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KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE
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Ways To Get Rid of Kagame
- The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
- Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
- Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
- Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
- The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
- The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
- Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Fighting For Our Freedom?
KAGAME VS JUSTICE
Arusha, Tanzania, 12th May, 2009
OBJECT: The denunciation of the discriminatory actions and intentions of the Rwandan authorities.
Your excellency, President of the Republic,
The detainees of the ICTR, signatories of the present document have judged it necessary to react to your racist and discriminatory intentions announced by several Rwandan personalities on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Rwandan “genocide”, celebrated on Nyanza hill, a Kigali the 11th of April 2009. The Rwandan government stated that 5,000 people were taken from the Official Technical School (ETO) at Kicukiro, the 11th of April 1994 and were then massacred at Nyanza hill. Those who stated this were Charles Muligande, M. Simburudi, president of the IBUKA Association which represents the Tutsi survivors of the “genocide” the deputy mayor of Kigali and Dr. Augustin Iyamuremye, senator and former chief of the civilian intelligence services in the Rwandan government of 1994.
We think that the things said do not take any account of the truth or the reality of the history of our country, but instead, have as the purpose of terrorising, intimidating and humiliating the Hutu people of Rwanda who are globally accused of having planned and committed a “genocide” against the Tutsis.
- Our reaction is motivated by the fact that the RPF regime wants to wipe from the history of Rwanda, the revolutionary period that liberated the people of Rwanda from the yoke of a feudal monarchy and that ushered in national construction once the country achieved its independence. The ultimate objective of the RPF is clearly to erase the history of Rwanda and the benefits of the republican period to better support their false thesis according to which the Hutus only marked the history of the country with barbarism and “genocide” of the Tutsis. It is a vision both false and divisionist and it is clear that, by propagating it, you have abandoned the interests of the Rwandan people.
1. Pre-colonial Rwanda and Colonial Rwanda cannot be a model
The deputy mayor of Kigali stated “We want to change history in order to present another Rwanda that is not that of the period between 1959 and 1994, a Rwanda like it was before; that which we inherited from our ancestors; the Rwanda of children of Rwanda who live without division, without hate, without discrimination.” Thus the RPF regime pretends that in the precolonial and colonial periods the ethnicities composing the Rwandan nation lived harmoniously in peace, understanding and solidarity. It is a complete reversal of history.
The feudal-monarchical regime of Rwanda is not a model to propose to Rwandans today. It was a period of social, political, economic and cultural inequality that characterised that period and that led to the social revolution of 1959. Many authors including eminent Tutsis in high positions of power have written about this.
We think that in the context of the search for durable solutions for our country, the RPF must stop the manipulation and falsification of the history of Rwanda. We believe that the remedy is to search for a democratic, political compromise in the context of a sincere dialogue between the power and its opponents. Such a step cannot be accommodated with obscurantism of the past. We condemn without reservation all attempts to rewrite the history of Rwanda for propaganda and ideological aims that seek the monopolisation of power by the Tutsi ethnic group to the exclusion of the others composing the Rwandan society.
2. The Planning Of The Criminal War by the RPF Is The Essential Cause of the Rwandan tragedy
Minister Muligande stated that “the ‘genocide’ of the Tutsis was planned by the government defeated in July 1994, without furnishing the least proof of this alleged planning. Very simply, he stated that the ‘genocide’ was taught over a long time by the MDR/PARMEHUTU and later by the MRND. Such statements are nothing but propaganda.
The MDR and MRND parties never practised racism or discrimination against the Tutsis. It is well known that under the Habyarimana regime between 5th July 1973 to the war in October 1990 the Hutus and Tutsis lived in symbiosis. The ethnic divisions of 1990-1994 were the consequence of the strategy of destabilisation of the RPF to rally the Tutsis of the interior of Rwanda to the cause of the RPF Tutsi from Uganda who had invaded the country and to attract sympathy in world opinion.
Following the social Revolution of 1959, a number of Tutsi dignitaries could not accept the democratic changes proclaimed by the people, and fled the country and during many years systematically rejected all offers made by the government to return peacefully and participate in the construction of the country as Rwandans. They took hostage the Tutsi refugees and prevented them from returning as long as they were not assured of taking back their former power to exercise to their profit.
The Tutsi diaspora dominated by these extremists preferred to organise in a movement of “liberation” called the INYENZI and conduct several attacks against Rwanda in the 1960s with the aim of taking power by force of arms. It is for this reason that all the calls made to the refugees for their peaceful return to the country were made in vain.
The MRND party practised a policy of peace, of national unity and progress that was enormously profitable to the Tutsis of the country. It is false and unjust to accuse the MRND of having persecuted Tutsis or having refused the right of return if those Tutsis wishing to return to Rwanda. Everyone knows today that it was the RPF who torpedoed the Accords signed between Rwanda and Uganda under the auspices of the UNHCR, the 31st of July, 1990. Instead of permitting the delegation of refugees awaited in Kigali at the end of September, 1990 to go there in the context of working under that Accord to work out the mechanism for the return en masse of refugees the RPF launched a surprise attack against Rwanda on the 1st of October 1990, beginning its war of aggression.
You must have the courage to recognise that this war, launched at the moment when a political solution had been found to the refugee problem is the origin of the Rwandan tragedy. The RPF sowed desolation and created divisions, a climate of terror and distrust among the population subjected to four years of RPF violence. By these terrorist attacks and subversion, the RPF provoked the total destabilisation of Rwanda. The RPF planned and executed the attack of April 6, 1994 that took the lives of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda and Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi as well as their respective entourage and the French crew knowing full well that the attack would provoke violence in the country.
Directly after the attack they attacked on all fronts, precipitating total chaos throughout the country. It was the RPF that planned the destruction of the country. This is attested to by the incapacity of the prosecutor at the ICTR to prove a plan to commit genocide before its international jurisdiction. Indeed, all the heavy condemnations of genocide pronounced against the Hutus before the ICTR are founded on the illegal judicial notice made by the Appeal Chamber of June 16, 2006. In Rwanda, tribunals continue to condemn en masse the Hutus for having allegedly planned “genocide” without the slightest proof, all the while refusing any debate on the question.
Despite the judicial notice imposed by the Appeal Chamber of the ICTR on June 16, 2006, for political reasons having the objective of condemning the accused at the Tribunal, the controversy over this decision continues. Conscious of their enormous responsibilities in the Rwandan tragedy, the RPF does not miss any opportunity to cry about the “genocide of the Tutsis.” So, it was not without some thought that the Minister Muligande stated on 11th April at the Nyanza memorial at Kigali;” We had the chance to win the war to get recognition of the genocide. If not, we would become the Armenians whose genocide is still contested because they lost the war.”
M. Mulligande is very conscious of the responsibilities that fall on the RPF, even if he does not have the courage to admit it. The RPF abuses its actual position to impose the “genocide” of the Tutsis, practising the justice of the victor over the vanquished . The leaders of the RPF must stop falsifying history with ideological propaganda and have the courage to recognise their heavy responsibility in the Rwandan drama.
3.The Reality of the Numbers of Dead in the Rwandan Tragedy
The loss of life is always regrettable. Bu the reality f the numbers of dead in the “Rwandan genocide” remains a great mystery 15 years after the events, Even if public opinion agrees with the number if 800,000 to a million victims, many other numbers have been advanced, ranging from 250,000 to 2 million by experts, the UN, NGOs and the RPF such that total confusion reigns. Gerard Prunier recognises that there is no systematic count and that the numbers rely on opinion more than facts.
The Rwandan government of the RPF prefers too maintain this confusion. That is why it has refused to reveal the numbers of survivors of the “genocide” from which it is easy to evaluate the umber of dead Tutsis and dead Hutus. It prefers things blurred so the world does not know the extent of the massacres committed against the Hutus by the RPF and to inflate the number of Tutsi victims.
It is necessary too note that the Census of the population organised under the supervision of the UN (UNDP, UNFAP,CEA) and with the aid of countries such as the USA and Canada that terminated on the 15th of August, 1991 fixed the total number of Tutsis in the country at 8.4% of the population of 7,099.844 persons.
Thus, the numbers that suggest that the entire Tutsi population was massacred between April and July 1994 are simply fantasies. It is no secret to anyone that many Tutsis survived even if the government in Kigali does not want to publish the figures. We contest these numbers that create confusion that the regime wants to exploit in order to manipulate national and international opinion for ideological objectives.
Concerning the dead interred at Nyanza hill in Kigali, Captain Lemaire who commanded the Belgian detachment at the ETO in Kicukiro en April 1994, testified before the ICTR that the refugees there numbered about 1,000 to 2,000 persons not the 5,000 claimed by the RPF. In the circumstances prevailing at the time the extermination of 5,000 people in several minutes in open terrain is simply impossible. On the contrary, witnesses worthy of the name state that the majority of those buried at Nyzana hill are the thousands of Hutu refugees massacred by the men of the RPF, on the 22 and 23 of May 1994 while they attempted to flee the RPF soldiers who had just captured the garrison at Camp Kanombe.
The deputy mayor of Kigali City presented the Gisozi memorial as the high place of pilgrimage and sad memories of “genocide”. This place stores, according the official declarations of the government, 250,000 human skulls. However, they cannot be from the former prefecture of the city of Kigali as they claim. Indeed, the total population of Kigali city was, according to the census of 15 August 1991, 221, 806 persons, of which 81.4% were Hutu, and 17.9% Tutsi.
Using a figure of 3.2% growth per year, the total population of Kigali city was around 240,000 inhabitants in 1994 taken at its maximum, with the Tutsi population being estimated at 50,000 persons at its highest. This figure does not accord with the 250,000 skulls exposed at the Gisozi memorial especially when one remembers that many of the Tutsis in Kigali survived the war. The numbers of skulls is even more incomprehensible when on admits that the city of Kigali has other memorials notably that at Nyanza and Rebero where other thousands of remains are exposed. This example shows how the manipulation of numbers is important on a national level.
Several witnesses have stated before the ICTR that Gisozi was occupied by the RPA (army of the RPF) from the 8th of April. Therefore it was the RPF that ethnically cleansed the zones of Gisozi-Kagugu and Kabuye in the Rutongo commune, in the prefecture of Kigali and all undesirable persons including the war displaced refugees from the refugee camps of Nyacyonga and Rusine, who had fled to the city after their camps were bombarded by the RPF.
Several former members of the RPF have denounced the massacres of thousands of persons in these zones. All these persons were summarily executed by the agents of the DMI (Directorate of Military Intelligence of the RPF) in the military camp at Kami taken by the RPF in mid-April 1994. These massacres were part and parcel of the plan by the RPF to eliminate as large a number as possible of the cadre of Hutu intellectuals.
Today, the same logic of annihilation of the Hutu elite that the RPF follows is behind their lists of pretended “Hutu genocidaires” including those already judged and acquitted. It is the same logic followed in the famous law of confessions of guilt that encourages the denunciation of and false statements against the innocent. The “gacaca” procedures are an extra-judicial system beneath all the jurisdictions. It is used by the regime to annihilate all undesirables.
We want to insist that you remember that you yourself, Mr. President, who was the first to suggest this strategy when in 1996, at Nyamirambo, in a large meeting organised by your party, you stated that it would be necessary to have the patience “to empty a barrel of water with a coffee spoon”. The damage of your genocidal policy has passed all bounds and we demand that you stop it immediately.
4. The Responsibilities of the International Community in the Rwandan Drama
In their talks the highest authorities of Rwanda have criticised the role of the international community during the “genocide”. Thus, in your speech of 7 April, 2009, you castigated the attitude of the UN, qualifying it as “cowardice” saying; “We are not those who abandoned the people who needed protection; they left them to be killed; are they not guilty? I think also that is cowardice; they left before a single shot was fired!”
We are convinced that such singing speeches vis a vis the international community cannot be indefinitely allowed to pass. However, we invite this same international community to react quickly, they who encouraged and supported your criminal project to take power by force of arms, through the disastrous actions of Genera Romeo Dallaire at the head of UNAMIR, to whom you announced the imminent cataclysm on the 2nd of April 1994 and who did nothing to stop it, and the no less criminal actions of the successive prosecutors at the ICTR in Arusha, whom you have succeeded in submitting to your law of terror.
We regret that the UN did not help Rwandans to resolve peacefully the conflict that you brought to the country in 1994, notably in pressing Uganda and the RPF sufficiently and condemning the war of aggression of which Rwanda was the victim. The UN did not even condemn the various violations of ceasefires by the RPF and the peace accords that it signed. The international community complied with your ultimatum made on the 12 of April 1994 to all foreign forces to leave the country in 12 hours or be attacked, that accelerated the retreat of UNAMIR from Rwanda at the time when it was needed most. The vote in the Security Council for the resolution to reduce the UNAMIR forces, that was heavy in consequences, aided your organisation in its Machiavellian plans to take power in Kigali as quickly as possible.
The UN betrayed the government of Rwanda that launched anguished appeals for help to stabilise the security situation in the country. The UN was paralysed by the USA and the United Kingdom; it could not intervene in time to send the 5,500 men of UNAMIR II as the Security Council finally decided to do after the RPF victory. Those forces arrived in Rwanda after your seizing of power and to consolidate your power. They helped you by not reacting to your massacres of the innocents including the 4,000 refugees you murdered at Kibeho in April 1995.
Not only do we accuse the RPF of having chased the international community from Rwanda at the moment when they were needed the most but also we believe that the decisions of the UN were gravely prejudicial to the people and government of Rwanda, in permitting the military victory of the RPF, obtained in a bloodbath. These same decisions gave the RPF the legitimacy to continue its massacres of the Rwandan people and the right to attribute the role of having stopped the “genocide” to themselves and to judges its real victims.
We note with great disappointment that the presence of UNAMIR II did not deter you from continuing the massacre of the defenceless Hutu population, over the entire country in 1994-95 and we will not forget the silence of the UN in the face of the innumerable atrocities committed by your troops, when they attacked the refugees camps in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (Zaire) and their long calvary in the Congo forest. We want to remind you of the 200,000 Hutu refugees who were horribly massacred by your troops in 1996-97. We think that the complacency of the international community on your behalf does not exonerate you of your responsibilities in the Rwandan drama. We demand justice for all Rwandans, Tutsi, Hutu and Twa killed or today traumatised by your criminal policy.
5. The Theory of a Double Genocide
The Minister Muligande vilified “those who try to diminish the genocide, to deny it, by inventing the theory of a “double genocide”, arguing that there were the deaths of Hutus during the genocide.” He clarified his thoughts by referring to the second world war where “there was a genocide of the Jews, but also of 20 million Russians, However, the genocide is recognised as having been against the Jews. This was the same thing concerning the high number of deaths among the German soldiers which surpassed the number of Jews killed,, arguing that the Germans were killed to stop the genocide.”
These words of your adviser show that the leaders of the RPF recognise having massacred hundreds of thousands of innocent Hutus. However, we estimate that the comparison has no sense and that the events in Rwanda in 1990-1994 are not comparable to the history of the Second World War. The launching of the Second World War in 1939 rests the responsibility of the government of Germany, just as the responsibility for the invasion of Rwanda in October 1990 from Uganda rests the responsibility of the state of Uganda and the RPF.
Hitler launched his offensive to conquer countries and during that long conquest, the Jews were denounced, arrested, killed or deported to concentration camps, principally in Germany. The Jews did not take up arms against Germany. If it is necessary to make a comparison it is rather the RPF and its allies that made war against Rwanda and who, in their mad war for the conquest of power, they massacred hundreds of thousands of Rwandans.
Your soldiers Mr. President, conducted a war of extermination; they violated the cease-fire agreements and the Arusha accords to take power by force of arms without caring about the security of the population. How can you explain to Rwandans the obstinate refusal by you of all cease-fire proposals made to you between April and July 1994 if you had any concerns for the protection of the civilian population? And why did you literally empty the population of all the regions you seized? What can you say when 4,000 Hutu refugees were massacred by your troops a Kibeho in April 1995? These are the sad realities of the RPF regime that you want to hide by the abusive usage of the word “negationism” to stop the parents of victims from expressing their suffering and denouncing the injustices done to them?
6. Pardon and Reconciliation
It arises from the present account that the members of the RPF committed crimes and massacres against the defenceless civilian population of the sole reason that they were Hutus. This sad reality Minister Muligande wants to cover up by stating it was the Hutus who had to die because the RPF fought to stop the genocide. The coalition of the NRA (Ugandan army) RPF did not attack Rwanda in 1990 to stop a genocide. The manhunt conducted against the peasants of Rwanda, throughout the war, was not designed to stop a “genocide” against the Tutsis.
It is illusory to try to deny the responsibility of the RPF in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of victims in Rwanda and the DRC or to minimise them, arrogating only to yourself the right of inquiry, from the sole fact of your military victory. We think that with such a logic national reconciliation is impossible.
Because, you want to hide the truth of the tragic events that plunged Rwanda into mourning and that implicate your close collaborators, civil and military. Also we consider that the time has come for your regime to see the reality in front of its face, instead of pursuing your indecent ideological propaganda, that from that time has shamefully exploited unhappiness you have inflicted on the Rwandan people.
The drift of your regime has irremediably distanced the Rwandan people from the objective of national reconciliation, outside the artifices that you have been pleased to serve to the various visitors to Rwanda but which cannot remedy the evil that is very profound. The instrumentalisation of the persecution of the Hutus accused of an “ideology of genocide” constitutes a way to criminalise the Hutus forever; not only those who were alive in 1994 but also those who will be borne in the future.
It is sufficient to accuse them of the ideology of genocide to oppress the Hutus and justify this oppression before the world. This policy that has made the immense majority of Rwandans pariahs in the Rwandan society, is inescapable, because it has become a factor of exclusion and marginalising of the Hutus in order to ensure the domination of the Tutsi.
The dialogue between power and its opponents is the only voice to get out of this impasse. But after having decreed that only the Tutsis were victims of the war that you launched and that the Hutus do not even have the right to cry for their dead, or even worse, to bury them with dignity, the perspective of political dialogue with your opponents is not on your agenda contrary to dynamic of peace that occupy the other leaders of the region: Kenya, Burundi, RDC, Uganda, Central Africa.
You installed the gacaca jurisdiction that has the mandate of criminalising all the Hutus and to force them into self-denunciation and the denunciation of others. In order to allow your regime to get rid of all your political adversaries now and in the future! Such a system can bring augers nothing good and has all the characteristics of fascism; it is the bearer of unhappiness for yourself and for the people of Rwanda. This is why we respectfully demand that you end it.
Rwanda must face up to a number of deficiencies. The RPF regime cannot resolve them with humiliation, anathema and marginalising of the majority of the Rwandan population to whom you reserve only unjust and degrading treatment. This is why we encourage all the men and women of good will in Rwanda and around the world to make it possible to have a sincere and constructive dialogue between the power and its opponents in order to put a solid base for a real national reconciliation in Rwanda based on Truth and Justice and equity.
We invite the Rwandan government to consider that there can be no national reconciliation in Rwanda based on manipulation and lies and propaganda, of humiliation and inferiority and intimidation of the ideology of genocide used to silence the Hutus who claim their rights. No power, no foreign force can resolve the political problems of Rwanda. It is the Rwandans themselves who must resolve them.
As head of state it is entirely your responsibility to bring Rwandans to the path of true reconciliation by denouncing all actions and speeches that are provocative and divisionist as those spoken during the ceremonies of the 15th anniversary of the “genocide” by your close collaborators.
In any event you must understand that such speeches do not serve your regime insofar as they are contrary to the vital interests of the Rwandan people and are not going to bring peace and national reconciliation. It is not possible to have national reconciliation as long as the RPF continues to refuse to recognise its clear responsibilities in the Rwandan tragedy, by making the Hutus responsible for a drama that the RPF planned and executed throughout the long war of 1990-1994.
Please accept, Excellency, Mr. President of the Republic, the expression of our high consideration.
Signatories - Joseph Nzirorera
- General Augustin Ndindiliyimana
- Colonel Tharcisse Renzaho
- Colonel Ephrem Setako
- Callixte Kahmaanzira
- Captain Innocent Sagahutu
- Edouard Karamera
Copied to all UN agencies including the Security Council, all judges and prosecutor of the ICTR, news organisations, ngos and other organisations
© English translation
by Christopher Black,
Barrister, Toronto, Canada
bar@idirect.com
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Never Again?
''In Mbandaka you had Rwandese and Congolese troops massacring people in front of the populace. There are hundreds of potential eyewitnesses.''
What a crying shame! Anderson Cooper for Gorillas' business AND NOT FOR THEIR PROTECTION.
Because of ignorance o the situation in Rwanda, most of people think CNN is doing a great job.
This lady as many other people around the world think that Anderson Cooper, the CNN reporter went for advocating gorillas' protection. She has no clue about how these trustees are making money and big money with the bloody coltan and mountain gorillas.
Nooo. He's there as Turner's envoy for the big money and business. He's there for other multinational trustees involved in big money from gorillas and arms smuggling in Rwanda and in the DRC. He's there to cover up killings of innocent millions of people by Paul Kagame's RDF. The mass atrocities are shifted on the Hutu rebels, the FDLR, those Rwandan orphans who decided to fight after loosing their slaughtered parents.
- Most of the north-western inhabitants are Hutu ethnic Hutu members. It's a region where Tutsis were not so many. That's the reason why Paul Kagame and RPF massacres were carried out in Ruhengeri.
- The Ruhengeri city attack of January 23, 1991
- The Butaro massacre of May 1991-1997
- The notorious Ruhengeri and Byumba massacre of February 8, 1993;
- The political assassination of May 18, 1993;
- Other crimes and terrorist acts: Throughout the year of 1993, Rwanda experienced a major spike in acts of armed banditry, grenade attacks and mini-bus taxi explosions in several parts of the country;
- The gruesome Kibeho massacre of April 17-23, 1995: an estimated 4000 internally displaced people;
- The deadliest year of 1996: the year of the infamous mass murder of refugees in Zaïre (currently the Democratic Republic of the Congo) and forced deportation of refugees
- The slaughter of the Nyarutovu wedding, January 18-19, 1997;
- The horrors of the Nyakinama Cave, October 23-28, 1997
- The Hutu Christmas massacre of Kayonza, December 23-25, 1998;
- The brutal reprisal campaigns against Abacengezi (1997-2000) and the ethnic cleansing of the Mutara region (1995 and after) ;
- The crime of denying people their right to seek medical; treatment overseas;
- RPF death squads on the trail of opponents inside and outside Rwanda
- The cruel and inhumane use of prisoners in de-mining operations, Thea and coffee plantations ;
- Kanama massacres with 158 killed on Friday when the Mahoko market is overcrowded.
- Massacres of FAR high ranking officers in Ruhengeri prefecture, their kids, wives and relatives, families and neighbours living in 4 km2;
- Disappearances thrghout the country particularly in the norht western region
- 18, 000 killed in Gitarama prefecture within one mounth;
- Nkuli commune massacres that led to churches burning with grenades and RPF heavy artillary;
- Byangabo massacres on Tuesday, the market day with an overcrowded marked;
- Mukamira massacres on Thursday, the market day with overcrowded market;
- Helicopters bombings in Mukingo, Kinigi and Nkuli communes with a very organized plan; consisting in burning houses and destroying houses with explosives;
- Mass killing of innocent civilians at Nyaruhonga (paysanats) in undergrounds where pople were hidden, thinking they will escape RPF soldiers (25 per military unit) disseminated throughout the prefectures.
Tutsi are responsible for crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing (Congolese autochtons are driven out of their land) and genocide in the Democratic Republic of Congo. As a matter of truth on the way lies confuse. Watch this for yourself by clicking on the link below and you wil see how RPF victims are tied up before getting killed. RPF trademark on the link and here next.
http://www.deboutcongolais.info/genocide-----brochure--14-.pdf
Coming back to the main topic:
Are CNN, USAID Gorilla Conservation Funds Being Used To support Covert Operations in Central Africa
by Georgianne Nienaber and Keith Harmon Snow
On Wednesday September 19, 2007 the U.S. State Department and United States Agency for International Development (USAID) announced the provision of $496,000 of new funds for wildlife conservation in the Virunga National Park in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. According to a State Department press release, poaching, armed conflict and “demographic pressures” are justification for the grant.
But investigations in Eastern Congo reported by these authors over the past six months indicate that USAID “conservation” funds—millions of taxpayer’s dollars—have been misappropriated, misdirected and disappeared. Evidence suggests that ongoing guerrilla warfare in Central Africa is receiving clandestine financial support in AID-for-ARMS type financial transfers.
“Our efforts are focused on conserving and protecting the habitat of these magnificent animals,” said Claudia A. McMurray, U.S. Assistant Secretary for State Oceans, Environment, and Science. “The survival of the mountain gorillas of Virunga is severely threatened by the tragic events in the region, and we will continue to devote whatever resources we can to protect the gorillas and other threatened species there.”
However, as reported by these authors, millions of dollars in USAID funds given to Virunga Park through the Central African Regional Program for the Environment (CARPE) over the past ten years have virtually disappeared. Wildlife conservation in eastern Congo is a shambles, and “rebel” armies fighting in the region are receiving massive military support from unknown sources.
The realities on the ground in Central Africa are disturbingly different from those painted in the fundraising drives and brochures produced by the big conservation organizations, and their partners and sponsors. Are these conservation programs merely providing a smokescreen for other activities?
The Virungas region is located in North Kivu province of the Democratic Republic of Congo, also the base for long-time Rwandan-backed warlord General Laurent Nkunda.
There is evidence that the United States backs General Laurent Nkunda through both clandestine and open military program and missions in Congo, Rwanda and Uganda.
Fighting in Congo’s North Kivu province has displaced hundreds of thousands of people in the past year alone. The death toll for the region is unknown but cataclysmic—in the millions of people dead since warfare began in the area in 1996.
Playwright Eve Ensler, producer of the Vagina Monologues, recently launched a campaign to stop sexual violence in Eastern Congo that is unprecedented. Sexual violence is used as a weapon of war to sow terror and break down resistance to facilitate military occupation and conquest by invading forces. Hundreds of thousands of women and girls have suffered attacks of sexual violence in the area.
THE MISSING USAID MONEY
In 2005, after years of activity with zero oversight or program verification, the activities of Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund-International (DFGFI) and Conservation International expenditures of USAID funds ostensibly for gorilla conservation in Central Africa came under scrutiny.
A Freedom of Information Act request was submitted regarding DFGFI’s failure to file required A-133 audit forms on its USAID funding. These A-133 forms are federally mandated from every non-governmental organization (NGO) receiving USAID monies, which come from U.S. taxpayers.
A Freedom of Information Act request determined that DFGFI has not filed audits for more than two years, while they received a total of at least $4,693,384 from USAID between September 24, 2001 and September 29, 2004.
In September of 2005, US Congressman James Oberstar was contacted by a constituent who claimed that the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International had failed to file federally mandated audits (Form A-133) after receiving millions of dollars in grants from USAID.
Congressman Oberstar’s informal inquiry found that, indeed, the DFGFI had failed to file required forms accounting for millions of dollars in USAID money.
“USAID is covering up for the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International,” said a source close to this investigation, in January 2006. “The US government has backed off their investigation of where the million’s of dollars in grants went.”
The source claims that DFGFI officials working in Congo and Rwanda are using the gorilla conservation as a front for other activities. The source also provided information revealing the interesting backgrounds of top-level DFGFI directors.
“The little old lady in Iowa who sends in her five bucks to save the gorillas would freak out if she knew where her money was really going,” the source said. “The gorillas are getting zip in the wild.”
In 2006 Congressman Oberstar demanded that USAID produce a report on the activities of the DFGFI in Central Africa, but as of this writing there had been no substantive action by the DFGFI or USAID. Oberstar noted that the DFGFI has violated U.S. law by not filing required audit reports.
“I’m personally pursuing the matter” Oberstar told a reporter for the Rwanda-owned state newspaper, the New Times, in November 2005, “and have to make sure that USAID explains to the government why DFGFI has not been presenting their audit reports.”
The Rwandan state-run newspaper New Times reported that DFGFI President and CEO Clare Richardson told their reporter that DFGFI had presented audits to USAID in March 2005. The New Times also reported that the Director General of the Office of Rwanda Tourism and National Parks (ORTPN), Rosette Rugamba, told the New Times that she didn’t understand the activities of the DFGFI.
“I don’t know what they are doing in Rwanda,” Rugamba told the New Times. “They have been here for over three decades claiming they are doing research work but they haven’t given us any results. The living conditions of the DFGFI trackers are miserable and yet the DFGFI has lots of money.”
According to Congressman Oberstar’s office, on March 31, 2006, Congressional Affairs at USAID told a House International Relations Committee staff-member “that an audit is being conducted by a third party auditor, but it has not yet been completed.”
Also, the U.S. government Office of Acquisition and Assistance was reportedly forcing DFGFI to respond to all allegations leveled against them about finance and budget issues.
The “third-party” auditor performing a “private” audit is the Defense Contract Audit Agency, a U.S. government agency responsible for auditing U.S. Department of Defense contracts.
Why is the U.S. Defense Contracts Audit Agency auditing programs and funds designated for “gorilla conservation” in Central Africa?
Local population from the north-western region (most of them are Hutus, the hated ethnic group) are believed to die from hungry in Ruhengeri.
the Tutsi-led government is actually forcing hutus to survive from the food crisis by planting and eating bamboos. To achieve this genocidal objective, the government dons't stop to use constant bambings to force them living like gorrillas, as an experimental scientific study adding to the lack of food and the ongoing holocaust Hutus from Ruhengeri are forced to eat bamboos. Before 1994, the region was known to feed other Rwandan regions plus neighbouring countries with potatoes.
Bamboo is famous for being the main food of giant pandas. Giant pandas eat up to 20 kg of bamboo stems, shoots, and leaves each day.
“The Defense Contract Audit Agency,” reads their web site, “is under the authority, direction, and control of the Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller), is responsible for performing all contract audits for the Department of Defense (DoD), and providing accounting and financial advisory services regarding contracts and subcontracts to all DoD Components responsible for procurement and contract administration.”
The Defense Contract Audit Agency completed the DFGFI/USAID audit in March 2007, but the audit has not been released due to the claimed “proprietary nature” of the audit.
We repeat the question: Why is the U.S. Department of Defense Contract Audit Agency auditing the finances and programs of a conservation organization like the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund?
While oversight and accountability for past USAID ‘investment” in the region has not been achieved, even under the pressure of a U.S. Congressman, some $496 million dollars is being directed to the ongoing black hole in Central Africa.
DIAN FOSSEY GUERILLA FUND
Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International also receives funds from private donors, foundations and corporate sponsors, and they have regular fundraising drives where callers solicit donations from members and the general public.
Sponsors and friends listed in DFGFI documents for January to December of 2003, in the $25,000 and above category included, Dr. and Mrs. Nick Faust and CNN, and certain mining and intelligence connected interests.
Dr Nicholas Faust has deep connection to the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and the Department of Defense.
CNN’s Ted Turner is an owner-shareholder in a high-tech company called Earth Search Sciences Inc. (ESSI) based out of McCall, Idaho. In 1999 ESSI loaned a state-of-the-art “hyperspectral” probe—a remote sensing instrument carried on an aircraft or satellite platform—to a DFGFI and Georgia Institute of Technology team who performed some interesting “studies” in Rwanda.
The project was directed by Dr. Nicholas Faust who is one of the key scientists with the Environmental Systems Research Institute, Inc. (ESRI), Redlands, California, USA, which is directly linked to ESSI.
ESRI Corporation (www.esri.com) is self-described as “the world leader in GIS (geographic information system) modeling and mapping software and technology.”
ESRI is a key contractor for the U.S. Department of Defense and Intelligence sector, providing battle theatre GIS mapping and support technologies used, for example, for “a defense-wide infrastructure, supporting fighting missions, command and control, installation management, and strategic intelligence.”
http://www.esri.com/industries/defense/business/military_ops.html
Remote sensing of gorilla habitat reportedly provides essential information about food sources, like the availability of species of bamboos, or encroaching threats from slash-and-burn agriculture, or other changes to gorilla habitat. But the remote sensing arena has proliferated due to the efficacy of these technologies in identifying deposits of minerals or hydrocarbons (oil & gas)—prospecting from aerospace platforms—and the data was therefore far more significant than a few species of bamboos.
According to two independent inside sources, the 21 data CD’s from the ESSI/ESRI remote sensing over-flights ostensibly for Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International were delivered directly by the DFGFI’s CEO Clare Richardson into the hands of Rwandan President Paul Kagame and the Rwandan Minister of Defense.
“These guys aren't looking for habitat,” comments one remote sensing expert (who has visited the facilities of ESSI), “they are looking for oil, which is what they do, and they probably got funding for habitat assessment from USAID and are using the data to provide their owners with oil, minerals and uranium info. I'm not aware of any natural resource vegetative project that they have done in the past. It strictly sounds like taking the taxpayer dollar to fatten some oil guys pockets.”
The Albertine Rift area and so-called World Heritage Sites of the border zone between Uganda, Rwanda and Democratic Republic of Congo are at present enmeshed in massive petroleum and natural gas exploration and exploitation projects.
Some 1000 people a day die in war-torn Eastern Congo due to guerrilla warfare and covert operations. The extent of western petroleum, mining or military involvement in Eastern Congo is never reported by the international press.
Former CNN journalist Gary Strieker became a member of the DFGFI Board of Trustees. Strieker was the CNN journalist embedded with the Rwandan Patriotic Army during the Pentagon’s covert operation that overthrew the government of Juvenal Habyarimana in Rwanda in 1994.
CNN is deeply embedded with the Pentagon in reporting the U.S. government slant on military operations in U.S. military hotspots, including Iraq, Somalia, Afghanistan and Sudan.
CNN reportage never establishes any connections to, or stories about, the deeper, hidden realities of western involvement in war, mining, extortion, pillage, dictatorship, arms-running, genocide, disease, or population control programs in Central Africa. Like virtually all of the western media, there is never any attention to the perpetuation of structural violence or the institutions of control and domination.
The mountain gorillas live in the volcanic region near Ruhengeri, ... others eating bamboo and finally the great big silverback protecting his family.
The Hutu community members as the main population of Ruhengeri are forced to eat bamboo as Mountain gorillas do.
by Georgianne Nienaber and Keith Harmon Snow
The international arrest warrants issued by Spain and France against
some 40 former RPF/A and current Rwanda Defense Force (RDF)
are patently dismissed by CNN, BBC Karyanishamiryango, and other Western media of all stripes, buried behind waves of pro-RPF propaganda and intimidation that labels anyone who does not support the Kigali military dictatorship as genocide deniers, themselves guilty, by extension, of genocide.
How “CNN” Facilitates Mass Murder And Looting In Africa
On Wednesday September 19, 2007 the U.S. State Department and United States Agency for International Development (USAID) announced the provision of $496,000 of new funds for wildlife conservation in the Virunga National Park in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. According to a State Department press release, poaching, armed conflict and “demographic pressures” are justification for the grant.
But investigations in Eastern Congo reported by these authors over the past six months indicate that USAID “conservation” funds—millions of taxpayer’s dollars—have been misappropriated, misdirected and disappeared. Evidence suggests that ongoing guerrilla warfare in Central Africa is receiving clandestine financial support in AID-for-ARMS type financial transfers.
“Our efforts are focused on conserving and protecting the habitat of these magnificent animals,” said Claudia A. McMurray, U.S. Assistant Secretary for State Oceans, Environment, and Science. “The survival of the mountain gorillas of Virunga is severely threatened by the tragic events in the region, and we will continue to devote whatever resources we can to protect the gorillas and other threatened species there.”
However, as reported by these authors, millions of dollars in USAID funds given to Virunga Park through the Central African Regional Program for the Environment (CARPE) over the past ten years have virtually disappeared. Wildlife conservation in eastern Congo is a shambles, and “rebel” armies fighting in the region are receiving massive military support from unknown sources.
The realities on the ground in Central Africa are disturbingly different from those painted in the fundraising drives and brochures produced by the big conservation organizations, and their partners and sponsors. Are these conservation programs merely providing a smokescreen for other activities?
The Virungas region is located in North Kivu province of the Democratic Republic of Congo, also the base for long-time Rwandan-backed warlord General Laurent Nkunda.
There is evidence that the United States backs General Laurent Nkunda through both clandestine and open military program and missions in Congo, Rwanda and Uganda.
Fighting in Congo’s North Kivu province has displaced hundreds of thousands of people in the past year alone. The death toll for the region is unknown but cataclysmic—in the millions of people dead since warfare began in the area in 1996.
Playwright Eve Ensler, producer of the Vagina Monologues, recently launched a campaign to stop sexual violence in Eastern Congo that is unprecedented. Sexual violence is used as a weapon of war to sow terror and break down resistance to facilitate military occupation and conquest by invading forces. Hundreds of thousands of women and girls have suffered attacks of sexual violence in the area.
THE MISSING USAID MONEY
In 2005, after years of activity with zero oversight or program verification, the activities of Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund-International (DFGFI) and Conservation International expenditures of USAID funds ostensibly for gorilla conservation in Central Africa came under scrutiny.
A Freedom of Information Act request was submitted regarding DFGFI’s failure to file required A-133 audit forms on its USAID funding. These A-133 forms are federally mandated from every non-governmental organization (NGO) receiving USAID monies, which come from U.S. taxpayers.
A Freedom of Information Act request determined that DFGFI has not filed audits for more than two years, while they received a total of at least $4,693,384 from USAID between September 24, 2001 and September 29, 2004.
In September of 2005, US Congressman James Oberstar was contacted by a constituent who claimed that the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International had failed to file federally mandated audits (Form A-133) after receiving millions of dollars in grants from USAID.
Congressman Oberstar’s informal inquiry found that, indeed, the DFGFI had failed to file required forms accounting for millions of dollars in USAID money.
“USAID is covering up for the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International,” said a source close to this investigation, in January 2006. “The US government has backed off their investigation of where the million’s of dollars in grants went.”
The source claims that DFGFI officials working in Congo and Rwanda are using the gorilla conservation as a front for other activities. The source also provided information revealing the interesting backgrounds of top-level DFGFI directors.
“The little old lady in Iowa who sends in her five bucks to save the gorillas would freak out if she knew where her money was really going,” the source said. “The gorillas are getting zip in the wild.”
In 2006 Congressman Oberstar demanded that USAID produce a report on the activities of the DFGFI in Central Africa, but as of this writing there had been no substantive action by the DFGFI or USAID. Oberstar noted that the DFGFI has violated U.S. law by not filing required audit reports.
“I’m personally pursuing the matter” Oberstar told a reporter for the Rwanda-owned state newspaper, the New Times, in November 2005, “and have to make sure that USAID explains to the government why DFGFI has not been presenting their audit reports.”
The Rwandan state-run newspaper New Times reported that DFGFI President and CEO Clare Richardson told their reporter that DFGFI had presented audits to USAID in March 2005. The New Times also reported that the Director General of the Office of Rwanda Tourism and National Parks (ORTPN), Rosette Rugamba, told the New Times that she didn’t understand the activities of the DFGFI.
“I don’t know what they are doing in Rwanda,” Rugamba told the New Times. “They have been here for over three decades claiming they are doing research work but they haven’t given us any results. The living conditions of the DFGFI trackers are miserable and yet the DFGFI has lots of money.”
According to Congressman Oberstar’s office, on March 31, 2006, Congressional Affairs at USAID told a House International Relations Committee staff-member “that an audit is being conducted by a third party auditor, but it has not yet been completed.”
Also, the U.S. government Office of Acquisition and Assistance was reportedly forcing DFGFI to respond to all allegations leveled against them about finance and budget issues.
The “third-party” auditor performing a “private” audit is the Defense Contract Audit Agency, a U.S. government agency responsible for auditing U.S. Department of Defense contracts.
Why is the U.S. Defense Contracts Audit Agency auditing programs and funds designated for “gorilla conservation” in Central Africa?
“The Defense Contract Audit Agency,” reads their web site, “is under the authority, direction, and control of the Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller), is responsible for performing all contract audits for the Department of Defense (DoD), and providing accounting and financial advisory services regarding contracts and subcontracts to all DoD Components responsible for procurement and contract administration.”
The Defense Contract Audit Agency completed the DFGFI/USAID audit in March 2007, but the audit has not been released due to the claimed “proprietary nature” of the audit.
We repeat the question: Why is the U.S. Department of Defense Contract Audit Agency auditing the finances and programs of a conservation organization like the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund?
While oversight and accountability for past USAID ‘investment” in the region has not been achieved, even under the pressure of a U.S. Congressman, some $496 million dollars is being directed to the ongoing black hole in Central Africa.
DIAN FOSSEY GUERILLA FUND
Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International also receives funds from private donors, foundations and corporate sponsors, and they have regular fundraising drives where callers solicit donations from members and the general public.
Sponsors and friends listed in DFGFI documents for January to December of 2003, in the $25,000 and above category included, Dr. and Mrs. Nick Faust and CNN, and certain mining and intelligence connected interests.
Dr Nicholas Faust has deep connection to the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and the Department of Defense.
CNN’s Ted Turner is an owner-shareholder in a high-tech company called Earth Search Sciences Inc. (ESSI) based out of McCall, Idaho. In 1999 ESSI loaned a state-of-the-art “hyperspectral” probe—a remote sensing instrument carried on an aircraft or satellite platform—to a DFGFI and Georgia Institute of Technology team who performed some interesting “studies” in Rwanda.
The project was directed by Dr. Nicholas Faust who is one of the key scientists with the Environmental Systems Research Institute, Inc. (ESRI), Redlands, California, USA, which is directly linked to ESSI.
ESRI Corporation (www.esri.com) is self-described as “the world leader in GIS (geographic information system) modeling and mapping software and technology.”
ESRI is a key contractor for the U.S. Department of Defense and Intelligence sector, providing battle theatre GIS mapping and support technologies used, for example, for “a defense-wide infrastructure, supporting fighting missions, command and control, installation management, and strategic intelligence.”
http://www.esri.com/industries/defense/business/military_ops.html
Remote sensing of gorilla habitat reportedly provides essential information about food sources, like the availability of species of bamboos, or encroaching threats from slash-and-burn agriculture, or other changes to gorilla habitat. But the remote sensing arena has proliferated due to the efficacy of these technologies in identifying deposits of minerals or hydrocarbons (oil & gas)—prospecting from aerospace platforms—and the data was therefore far more significant than a few species of bamboos.
According to two independent inside sources, the 21 data CD’s from the ESSI/ESRI remote sensing over-flights ostensibly for Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International were delivered directly by the DFGFI’s CEO Clare Richardson into the hands of Rwandan President Paul Kagame and the Rwandan Minister of Defense.
“These guys aren't looking for habitat,” comments one remote sensing expert (who has visited the facilities of ESSI), “they are looking for oil, which is what they do, and they probably got funding for habitat assessment from USAID and are using the data to provide their owners with oil, minerals and uranium info. I'm not aware of any natural resource vegetative project that they have done in the past. It strictly sounds like taking the taxpayer dollar to fatten some oil guys pockets.”
The Albertine Rift area and so-called World Heritage Sites of the border zone between Uganda, Rwanda and Democratic Republic of Congo are at present enmeshed in massive petroleum and natural gas exploration and exploitation projects.
Some 1000 people a day die in war-torn Eastern Congo due to guerrilla warfare and covert operations. The extent of western petroleum, mining or military involvement in Eastern Congo is never reported by the international press.
Former CNN journalist Gary Strieker became a member of the DFGFI Board of Trustees. Strieker was the CNN journalist embedded with the Rwandan Patriotic Army during the Pentagon’s covert operation that overthrew the government of Juvenal Habyarimana in Rwanda in 1994.
CNN is deeply embedded with the Pentagon in reporting the U.S. government slant on military operations in U.S. military hotspots, including Iraq, Somalia, Afghanistan and Sudan.
CNN reportage never establishes any connections to, or stories about, the deeper, hidden realities of western involvement in war, mining, extortion, pillage, dictatorship, arms-running, genocide, disease, or population control programs in Central Africa. Like virtually all of the western media, there is never any attention to the perpetuation of structural violence or the institutions of control and domination.
WEIDEMANN CHALLENGES CONSERVATION
In a telling memo written in December 2004, Robert Hellyer—USAID Mission Director for DRC—wrote to the USAID Africa Bureau in Washington regarding the Central Africa Regional Program for the Environment (CARPE), the “principal vehicle for United States participation in the Congo Basin Forest Project.”
Buried in the February 2006 Annex of the supporting documents for the report of the Weidemann Consortium—an evaluation of the CARPE program in Central Africa—is the admission that the rational of “overpopulation” was bogus.
“Of the more than 60 million people that live in the region,” Hellyer wrote, “about 22 million are located in urban areas. At present rates of population growth, the region is expected to contain 150 million people by the year 2025. Population density is on the whole quite low, with a regional average of 14 persons per square kilometer.”
Wildlife conservation and state department interests have repeatedly trumpeted population pressures as the reason for gorilla and habitat decline in Central Africa, yet the above report makes it clear that “population density is on the whole quite low.”
Robert Hellyer elaborates on the global demand for petroleum and timber, and on the adverse impacts of human populations in a landscape—Congo—where “it is in the self-interest of the United States government” to support “sustainable development” in the region. Hellyer confirmed that CARPE and USAID are not interested in the Congolese people, or even biodiversity protection, but only in the interests of the United States.
The Virungas National Park has become the focus of international investigations around white western mercenary operations. Top former U.S. state department officials involved in mining companies now plundering eastern Congo have turned up on the boards of some of the “conservation” organizations involved in the Virungas and other protected areas in Central Africa.
One of these conservation mercenary organizations is Richard Leakey’s Wildlife Direct, a newcomer in Congo that operates under the mantle of the Africa Conservation Fund, a tax-exempt (501-c-3) registered with the Internal Revenue Service.
Gorilla killings in the Virungas increased when Wildlife Direct appeared in the Virungas in January 2007.
One former sate department official involved in the region is Walter H. Kansteiner III, an Africa Conservation Fund board member since the founding of ACF in 2004. Kansteiner was a top-level National Security Agency official in both the William J. Clinton and G.W. Bush administrations.
In 2003 Kansteiner appeared as an expert witness in the U.S. Congressional Hearing before the Subcommittee on Africa of the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on International Relations titled “Saving the Congo Basin, the Stakes, the Plan.” At the time, Kansteiner was Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. He formerly served with the National Security Council as director of African Affairs and as an African specialist on the staff of the Secretary of State.
Kansteiner has been a constant presence behind the scenes in Congo’s war since 1996. Kansteiner worked on a strategic minerals task force at the Department of Defense and was Executive Vice President of a commodity trading and manufacturing company specializing in tropical commodities in the developing world: one of these was coltan, one of the mineral byproducts of warfare in DRC’s Kivu provinces today.
The Democratic Republic of Congo has the world’s purest and largest deposits of strategic minerals, such as gold, coltan, niobium, cobalt and columbite (columbium-tantalite or coltan). Niobium, coltan, tantalum and cassiterite are found in the Virungas region.
Walter H. Kansteiner III is on the Board of Directors of Moto Gold, now operating in the killing fields of the bloody Ituri district near Lake Albert.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Le massacre des refugiés de la cathédrale de Byumba :Mon expérience du Front Patriotique Rwandais (26 Juin 2007)
Mon expérience du Front Patriotique Rwandais
Par Jean Paul Munyarukato
26 Juin 2007
Ils étaient quelques 200 âmes qui avaient pris refuge dans la cathédrale de Byumba à la reprise des hostilités entre
l’arme gouvernementale et les rebelles du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR). Des femmes et des enfants; pour la
plupart des ressortissants de Rebero et Buhambe dans les environs de la cathédrale de Byumba, des enseignants à
l’école primaire d’application, des employés de l’église, quelques fonctionnaires aussi qui exerçaient dans
quelques services qui étaient encore opérationnels dans cette ville affectée par la guerre depuis octobre 1990. Les
rebelles du FPR sont entrés dans la ville de Byumba dimanche le 17 April 1994 sans rencontrer aucune résistance.
L’armée gouvernementale avait évacué la nuit précédente.
Ces réfugiés venaient donc de côtoyer les soldats du FPR pendant plus d’une semaine et s’apprêtaient à regagner
leurs domiciles. Tout portait à croire que l’ordre revenait. D’ailleurs cette place qu’ils occupaient étaient plutôt
besoin servir un grand nombre de déplacés de Kigali que le FPR convoyait sur Byumba en cette période.
C’est dans ce contexte que la nouvelle autorité du FPR approcha ces gens dans la journée du lundi le 25 avril 994,
leur prodiguant les assurances et leur proposa d’aller passer un peu de jours à Kageyo dans les prémisses du
noviciat des soeurs de Notre Dame du Bon Conseil pendant que les organes habilités du FPR s’assuraient les
moyens de les retourner chez eux en toute sécurité. Ils étaient alors mis en file indienne encadrée par les soldats
pour une marche de 4 km et demi vers Kageyo.
L’opération était soigneusement orchestrée. Deux propriétés assez grandes et bien clôturées, l’un appartenant à
un certain François Rwambonera, l’autre au commerçant Alphonse Nsengiyumva, avaient été apprêtées à cette
occasion à un lieu dit Kuruyaga, sur la route principale Byumba-Rukomo, à moitié de la marche vers Kageyo.
Quand la file arriva à la hauteur de cet endroit en fin d’après-midi, une halte fut commandée, les soldats
commencèrent à admettre ces gens en petits groupes dans les deux propriétés. On les faisait croire qu’ils allaient
subir un petit interrogatoire avant de poursuivre le chemin vers Kageyo. Une justification. C’était tout
simplement pour maintenir le calme chez ceux qui attendaient leur tour. A l’intérieur, un autre groupe de soldats
se distribuaient les admis qu’ils massacraient en leur brisant le crâne. La fusillade aurait semé la panique.
Je connais la plupart des victimes de ce massacre, des familles entières, des enfants aux bas âges, des bébés qui ne
furent pas épargnés. Je connais aussi une personne qui survécut par ce que l’on la crut une Tutsie ayant échappée
le premier tri que l’on avait subtilement effectué à la cathédrale. Elle reporta le sort de Madame Musabyimana à
qui l’on a demandé aussi de s’en aller pour une autre raison mais ne voulut pas laisser derrière son mari Ignace.
Elle insista à prendre part à l’interrogatoire à ses cotés, avec leurs deux enfants et une nièce qui vivait avec eux.
Les trois enfants étaient tous âgés de moins de cinq ans. Toute la famille entière pérît. Parmi les victimes figurait
aussi Médard Mudaheranwa, un collègue étudiant à l’université du Rwanda qui, au moment de la reprise de la
guerre civile, se trouvait, comme moi-même, en vacances à Byumba.
Le massacre des réfugiés de la cathédrale de Byumba n’est pas un cas isolé. En ce moment les soldats chargés des
opérations de l’arrière-garde sous le commandement de l’actuel Colonel Dan Munyuza des FDR étaient engagés
dans une campagne d’extermination des masses à grande envergure à la quelle collaboraient activement les cadres
politiques du FPR. Un des membres dirigeants de ces cadres politiques du FPR à Byumba (ABAKADA, comme on
les appelle en Kinyarwanda) n’étaient rien d’autre que Monsieur Ignatius Kamali Karegyesa, l’actuel ambassadeur
du Rwanda à Kampala. Il a été vu en train de superviser plusieurs massacres en fin d’avril 1994.
J’apprends dans un document disponible sur l’internet relatif à la plainte contre les éléments du FPR au près de la
justice espagnole que Père Joachim Vallmajó, le Missionnaire d'Afrique de nationalité espagnole qui a été tué.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Le massacre des refugiés de la cathédrale de Byumba :Mon expérience du Front Patriotique Rwandais (26 Juin 2007)
2
J’apprends dans un document disponible sur l’internet relatif à la plainte contre les éléments du FPR au près de la
justice espagnole que Père Joachim Vallmajó, le Missionnaire d'Afrique de nationalité espagnole qui a été tué par
les soldats du FPR fut enlevé au noviciat des soeurs de Notre Dame du Bon Conseil de Kageyo. On précise le jour
et l’heure de l’enlèvement : mardi le 26 Avril 1994 à 14h40. Je me trouvais à la maison familiale de Gitanwa en
ce moment. On voit, à partir de la maison, le noviciat à quelques 800 mètres en haut, perché au sommet de
Gitanwa, à deux pas de l’école primaire de Kageyo. Dans les jours précédents, on remarquait effectivement son
véhicule qui s’en allait à Byumba et revenait au noviciat.
Rétrospectivement, je peux dire que le prêtre a été tué par ce qu’il constituait un témoin gênant pour les
massacres ignobles aux quels les éléments du FPR se livraient sur toute la zone de Byumba en cette période. Cela
vaut d’ailleurs autant pour l’assassinat d’autres prêtres, notamment à Karushya, près de Rwesero. Il y a
notamment en face du noviciat, identifiable et relativement proche, le sommet de Meshero. Cet après-midi de
l’enlèvement du Père Vallmajó le FPR avait invité les habitants des environs de Rukomo, un petit centre
commercial sur la route de Kigali-Gatuna, de se rendre à cet endroit pour une réunion de prise de contact avec les
nouvelles autorités. Pour encourager la participation, la population était laissée croire à l’opportunité d’un
recensement des habitants par famille dans la perspective d’une distribution d’assistance humanitaire.
J’ai vu moi-même la population qui affluait au sommet de Meshero à partir d’une heure de l’après midi. Il y a
deux kilomètres et demi à vol d’oiseau à partir de chez moi, mais le temps était clair et cette journée du 26 avril
1994 plutôt ensoleillée malgré le mois d’avril connu habituellement pour de grosses pluies et de denses
brouillards dans ces montagnes de Byumba. Vers 15h00 de l’après midi, ce sommet était déjà couvert de foule
humaine. De loin, je jugeais cette masse plutôt calme et attentive pour une réunion qui, très apparemment,
prenait beaucoup de temps pour finir. Elle s’est éternisée jusqu’à la fin de l’après midi. Finalement, quand la
fusillade a éclaté vers 17 h30, discernables aussi étaient des gens qui fuyaient la scène de massacre de Meshero et
dévalaient en débandade le versant de cette imposante montagne. Malheureusement, un autre groupe de soldats
avait formé une chaîne d’assassins en bas de montagne tout au long de la route Kigali-Gatuna. Les fuyards
descendaient dans un autre champ d’exécution. Ils étaient abattus comme s’ils étaient quelque forme animale
sujette à la chasse.
Le lendemain du massacre, un rescapé de Meshero m’informait que, contrairement à ce que l’on pouvait assumer
de loin, il n’y avait pas eu de réunion du tout. La foule était tout simplement assise, assiégée par les soldats,
empêchée de se parler ou de se lever pour quelque raison que ce soit. Le massacre avait commencé vers 16h00 sur
le modèle de la stratégie employée à Kuruyaga : admission et assassinat de gens en petits groupes dans les locaux
d’une école primaire tout près qui n’était pas visible de notre côté. Les soldats ont seulement ouvert le feu
à l’approche de la tombée de la nuit sur le constant qu’ils n’allaient pas achever tout le monde. D’ailleurs, les
organisateurs de ce massacre avaient également prévu cette éventualité en disposant les soldats au bas de la
montagne pour s’assurer un massacre « complet. »
Il y avait aussi cette route Kigali vers Gatuna à la frontière avec l’Uganda. Le quartier général du FPR à Mulindi se
trouvait aussi au long de ce corridor. Une fusillade plus tôt aurait alerté quelques convoies qui utilisaient cette
route pendant la journée y compris des journalistes étrangers qui couvraient la guerre. Sinon, dans les endroits
éloignés des voies de communication, les gens étaient tout simplement fusillés, les grenades jetés dans la foule et
dans les maisons.
Les massacres similaires ont eu lieu dans plusieurs coins de Byumba du 23 au 30 avril 1994: au stade de Byumba,
à Kisaro, à l’école primaire de Kibali, à l’école primaire de Muhondo pour ne citer que les sites les plus
importants. Après l’épisode des réunions-mouroirs (INAMA), les soldats descendaient sur les collines et
procédaient au regroupement et assassinat des familles entières. Cependant, il apparait que ces massacres étaient
bien définis dans le temps, essentiellement dans la deuxième semaine de l’occupation comme si les soldats étaient
enjoints d’exterminer autant de gens que possible avant de progresser vers d’autres zones.
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Le massacre des refugiés de la cathédrale de Byumba :Mon expérience du Front Patriotique Rwandais (26 Juin 2007)
3
Les faits que j’évoque ici sont vérifiables. J’ai eu l’occasion de recouper l’expérience de Byumba avec celle des
ressortissants des autres régions. J’ai été dans plusieurs coins de Byumba, Butare, Gitarama et Kibungo entre 1995
et 1999. Je suis un témoin oculaire de la méthode d’extermination des masses du FPR et j’ai suffisamment
consulté les autres témoins. Je lis constamment tout ce qui est écrit sur les massacres d’Interahamwes, les
massacres du FPR, les travaux du tribunal pénal international sur le Rwanda. Il y a aussi le témoignage vidéo de
Marcelin et Gloria Gérin que l’on peut visualiser cette fois ci sur l’internet. Il éclaire sur les actes
d’extermination des masses par les soldats du FPR tout au long de la route qu’ils ont emprunté de Kibungo à
Mulindi pendant la même période de fin d’avril 1994.
N’ayant aucune raison personnelle de regretter la chute du régime qui comptait sur Interahamwes pour mettre en
oeuvre le génocide des tutsis, je parle de ces massacres qui ont été perpétrés par le FPR de la manière la plus
objective possible. Tous ceux qui sont informés de mon parcours sur ce sujet reconnaitront d’ailleurs que, plutôt
que de m’engager personnellement et sans réserves sur ce terrain, j’avais initialement préféré pointer du doigts la
méthode d’extermination des masses du FPR à un nombre d’acteurs capables d’apporter quelque redressement de
justice à cette situation. Autrement, les témoignages recueillis à travers le pays dressent un tableau sans
équivoque : les massacres du FPR confirment un niveau d’organisation hors-pair, une volonté explicite d’extermination des
masses ainsi qu’une capacité de dissimilation élaborée et constamment actualisée.
Cela étant dit, revenons sur l’exemple des massacres de Byumba. Il y avait une guerre en cours, bien entendu.
Cependant, le front se trouvait en ce moment à 50 km plus au sud dans les environs de la capitale Kigali. En plus,
pour procéder à une orchestration des massacres de femmes, enfants et vieillards sur toute une région, le FPR a
dû déployer un nombre important de troupes qui, autrement, pouvaient être en train de servir quelque autre rôle
d’importance dans le cadre de l’effort de guerre. Ceci constitue une preuve que l’extermination des masses était
pour le moins un objectif de guerre explicitement déterminé et autorisé par the haut commandement du FPR.
Je fus instituteur à l’école primaire de Muhondo pendant l’année scolaire 1990/1991. Quand j’ai appris que le
FPR a organisé un massacre dans cette école, j’étais naturellement curieux de savoir plus ce qui s’est passé là-bas.
Je m’y suis rendu en janvier 1995. Les locaux étaient encore entachés de sang. Une fosse que les soldats du FPR
avaient creusée au bas de la cour de recréation pour y jeter, aux dires des témoins de ce massacre, plus de 300
victimes, se faisait remarquer aussi. Peu profonde, on pouvait discerner des bouts de restes humains. Des
individus concernés ajoutaient la terre ici et là pour recouvrir ces restes. La végétation s’étendait et aidait à
masquer cette fosse commune. L’école avait rouvert ses portes en moment là. Les enfants jouaient sur cette
sépulture inconvenable où gisaient parents et voisins ; une réalité dont personne ne pouvait s’indigner
ouvertement qu’au risque d’y payer pour sa vie. Le discours officiel était que le FPR n’a pas commis de massacres.
Dans son allocution de Kibeho le 07 Avril 2007, le président Kagame est encore revenu sur cette question. « Le
FPR n’a tué personne » a-t-il martelé.
Concernant, la capacité de dissimulation des massacres du FPR qui est d’ailleurs constamment actualisée depuis la
fin de la guerre, je peux attester que trois semaines après le massacre de Meshero, les soldats sont revenus pour
fouiller, ramasser et emporter les dépouilles des victimes qui jonchaient les environs. Aussi, la dernière
l’information sur la fosse commune de Muhondo est que qu’elle aurait été vidée au couvert de la nuit, les
dépouilles emportaient ailleurs. Cet acte aurait coïncidé avec le lancement des travaux du tribunal Gacaca dans la
région. En effet, si l’on se réfère à la version officielle du gouvernement rwandais sur les événements de 1994, il
ne peut pas exister de fosses communes dans une zone où Interahamwes ne sont pas connus d’avoir opérés. Doù
leffort soutenu deffacer les traces surtout quand il sagit de fosses communes contenant un large nombre de victimes.[cfr.aut.du doc26].Co
lisée depuis la fin lllllllllllllllllll ;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;llguerre, je peux attester que trois semaines
après le massacre de Meshero, les soldats sont revenus pour fouiller, ramasser et emporter les dépouilles des
victkkimesncern
nt, la capaci
té de#####.i jonchaient. Concernant, la capacité de dissimulation des massacres du FPR qui est k
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Le massacre des refugiés de la cathédrale de Byumba :Mon expérience du Front Patriotique Rwandais (26 Juin 2007)
4
Cette dernière information reste à vérifier. Mais le FPR est connu pour plusieurs manouvres indignées de ce genre depuis la
fin de la guerre en 1994. Il y avait notamment une fosse commune à Munyinya, tout à coté de l’ancien bureau communal de
Kinyami. Les soldats ont mis trois jours pour la vider. Les dépouilles étaient emportées en camions étroitement gardés.
Durant l’opération, les lieux étaient interdits au public, la fosse commune elle-même couverte d’une gigantesque tente que
les gens de la région ont vue et se souviennent. Pour faciliter le bon déroulement de l’opération, l’autorité du FPR avait
pris soin d’envoyer en mission à l’étranger le bourgmestre local, un Hutu qui, comme la plupart des habitants de la région,
avait certainement des relations de parenté et des connaissances qui reposaient dans cette fosse commune.
Toutefois, malgré ces manouvres du FPR, il n’est pas du tout difficile de prouver l’existence des actes
d’extermination des masses de sa part. La stratégie qui était mise en oeuvre par le FPR ne varie presque pas dans
son exécution, que ce soit dans la campagne de Byumba juste après l’attentat du 06 avril 1994 que dans les
opérations de Butare et de Gitarama aux mois de juin et de juillet à la vielle de l’instauration du gouvernement
FPR à Kigali. En plus, même si les treize ans qui nous séparent des événement de 1994 ont permis au FPR
d’affiner ses moyens de dissimulation et de nettoyage des plus grands sites de carnage, les fausses communes issues
des assassinats groupés des familles et des voisins sur les collines restent intactes, car elles se trouvent le plus
souvent au milieu des habitations, loin des voies de communication. Je connais moi-même une douzaine
d’emplacements dans le périmètre de Byumba. Ils m’ont été indiqués par les proches et les voisins des victimes à
chaque fois que je voyageais dans cette zone depuis la fin de guerre en 1994 jusqu’en mai 1999 quand j’ai quitté le
pays.
Une précision, pourtant : parler des massacres qui ont été perpétrés par les éléments du FPR n’affecte pas en
aucun cas la gravité des actes d’extermination des masses qui visaient spécifiquement l’ethnie tutsie pendant la
même période. Au contraire. Je me réjouis notamment qu’il existe actuellement une plateforme convenable pour
l’exercice de la justice et de la mémoire pour les victimes de ces actes de ce génocide. Cependant, si on examinait
en toute conscience et sérénité l’histoire des conflits de pouvoir dans cette région du monde, au Rwanda et au
Burundi en particulier, on acceptera sans ambages que le génocide rwandais était le résultat d’une poursuite
effrénée des desseins hégémoniques basés le clivage ethnique chez les belligérants de la guerre civile de 1990-
1994.
Evidemment, il y a eu cet attentat du 06 avril 1994 qui fut l’élément déclencheur de l’hécatombe de 1994. Je ne
crois pas d’ailleurs que son auteur soit parmi ceux qui regrettent vraiment l’avènement du génocide de1994.
Toutefois, à la lumière de la composition ethnique des populations du Rwanda et du Burundi sur la ligne d’une
majorité et une minorité, cette histoire des conflits de pouvoir ne limite pas la capacité génocidaire dans les mains
d’une ethnie ou d’une autre. Sur ce point, la comparaison du génocide rwandais avec les génocides apparus dans
l’Ancien Monde dans une logique de minorité, à savoir le génocide des juifs et le génocide des araméens par
exemple, ne peut qu’obscurcir le fait qu’en 1994 les forces du FPR possédaient une supériorité militaire et luttaient
pour la prise du pouvoir. Les actes d’extermination des masses que les rebelles du FPR ont perpétrés reflètent
leur capacité militaire et d’organisation. Les membres du FPR étaient essentiellement issus de la minorité tutsie,
certes, mais le FPR ne doit pas être confondu à une organisation minoritaire en ce moment. Pour ceux qui
voudraient pousser la comparaison plus loin, les massacres dont je parle ne constituent quelques isolés de type
Dresden. Ils révèlent une stratégie raisonnée d’extermination des masses de la part du FPR.
D’ailleurs, les lecteurs de ce point de vue remarqueront que le Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda
(TPIR) aura tergiversé et se sera montré peu disposé à faire la lumière sur les crimes de guerre et crimes contre
l’humanité qui ont été commis par les éléments du FPR notamment à cause de cette confusion. Pourtant les
crimes du FPR figurent aussi clairement dans la mission du TPIR qu’ils sont faciles à mettre à jour, du moins si on
considère la consistance et la généralisation de la stratégie d’extermination des masses qui a été mise en oeuvre par
le FPR. Il n’y a pas de doutes sur ce point : si, comme l’on peut déjà le constater nettement, le TPIR ferme ses
portes sans avoir apporté la lumière sur les massacres qui ont été perpétrés par les éléments du FPR, il va
certainement laisser derrière lui un héritage nuisible à la réconciliation nationale au Rwanda.
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Le massacre des refugiés de la cathédrale de Byumba :Mon expérience du Front Patriotique Rwandais (26 Juin 2007)
5
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ppppkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkk
kkkkkppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp
ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp
Pour conclure ce point de vue, je dirais que mon expérience du FPR est profondément imprégnée de sa stratégie
d’extermination des masses, de sa capacité de dissimulation. Cela est particulièrement apparent dans le massacre
des réfugiés de la cathédrale de Byumba. D’ailleurs, mon évêque, son excellence Monseigneur Servilien
Nzakamwita, l’un des quatre destinataires de ce point de vue, conviendra avec moi: le silence sur les actes
d’extermination des masses qui ont été perpétrés par le FPR n’est pas du tout susceptible de promouvoir l’Etat de
droit et la réconciliation nationale dans son diocèse. Au besoin, il pourra publier les statistiques de l’Eglise sur les
victimes des massacres de 1994 à Byumba, pourquoi pas ?
A propos, souvenons nous que la réconciliation nationale forme actuellement une priorité dans l’agenda politique
du gouvernement rwandais. Malheureusement, il semble que la passion affichée dans ce sens vise uniquement à
impressionner les bailleurs de fonds et secourir la croissance de l’aide internationale. Autrement, la logique de la
réconciliation nationale demande que l’on établisse d’abord la vérité sur tous les massacres ciblés de grande
envergure que le Rwanda a connu en 1994. Et le FPR qui tient les reines du pouvoir politique, militaire et
économique au Rwanda ne voudrait pas l’entendre de cette oreille.
Cette situation rappelle un peu le mot d’ordre d’unité nationale sous le régime précédent. Le président
Habyarimana vivait, disait-on, de cette aspiration. La politique de l’unité nationale était enseignée à l’école, répétée
et renforcée chaque jour dans les discours politiques et sur les ondes de la radio nationale, du matin au soir.
Pourtant, que absurde était le silence de ce régime sur le sort des centaines des milliers de ressortissants rwandais
condamnés à l’exile dans des pays voisins! Pour le Général Major Habyarimana, l’unité nationale était
parfaitement compatible avec le maintien en exile des tutsis. Pour le Général Major Kagame, la réconciliation
nationale semble parfaitement compatible avec l’imposition d’un silence absolu sur les massacres qui ont ciblé les
hutus. Est-il possible que le temps puisse nous convaincre que le FPR n’a pas tué ? Je ne le crois pas.
Fait à Stoke-on-Trent, ce 26 Juin 2007
Jean Paul Munyarukato
Ce point de vue a été spécialement rédigé à lattention des personnalités suivantes :
! Monseigneur Servilien Nzakamwita, lévêque de Byumba
! Monseigneur Thaddée Ntihinyurwa, larchevêque de Kigali
! Monseigneur Anselmo Guido Pecorari, le Nonce Apostolique au Rwanda
! Monsieur Jeremy Macadie, lambassadeur de Grande Bretagne au Rwanda
Ladresse de lauteur: Jean Paul Munyarukato
183 Duke Street,
Heron Cross,
Stoke on Trent,
ST4 3BJ/ UK
Tel: +44(0)7709881046
Email:munyarukato@yahoo.co.uk
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