A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Monday, November 19, 2012
DRC- Goma. As the
Rwandan-backed M23 armed group advanced towards Goma and fighting resumed today
around the capital of 
Tens of thousands of civilians have already fled – including many who were previously displaced – and the humanitarian and security situation has deteriorated dramatically since fighting between M23 and the Congolese army (FARDC) resumed some 30 km north of Goma on 15 November.
"The advance towards the gates of Goma places thousands more civilians at risk," said Salil Shetty, Amnesty International's Secretary General.
"All parties to the conflict must protect civilians from attack and respect international humanitarian law, as hostilities get closer to densely populated areas."
Since the M23 was created in April 2012, Amnesty International has documented numerous human rights abuses attributed to its fighters – including unlawful killings, forced recruitment of children and young adults, and rape.
The latest clashes bring to a close three months of de facto truce between the national army and the M23, which controls most of the Rutshuru territory in
Despite the FARDC receiving support from UN MONUSCO peacekeepers’ attack helicopters, on 17 November the M23 overran the city of
Fear of being caught in the crossfire has forced some 70,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) living in the Kanyaruchinya camp 10 kilometres outside Goma to flee again. The M23 is now reportedly strengthening its positions in the Munigi area, just outside Goma.
The majority of displaced people from Kanyaruchinya have now crossed Goma to join other IDPs in the Mugunga camp, where the humanitarian situation is critical.
“As the fighting encroaches on Goma, the Congolese army and MONUSCO should take coordinated measures to ensure civilians are protected against the effects of future attacks,” said Shetty.
According to a UN statement, the M23 is now well equipped with heavy weapons, including 120mm mortars. Such weapons may have indiscriminate effects if used in densely populated areas.
With FARDC military installations and equipment located in Goma’s densely populated centre, there is increasing risk for the civilian population.
“The Congolese army should avoid placing military targets within densely populated areas to spare the civilian population, in case the M23 launches an offensive,” said Shetty.
Amnesty International also calls on the FARDC to stop allying itself with other local armed groups – some of whom are already involved in abuses against the civilian population – in the fight against the M23.
MONUSCO has a strong mandate to ensure the protection of civilians, including humanitarian personnel, under imminent threat of physical violence.
"UN peacekeepers must do more to avert a looming civilian protection catastrophe,” said Shetty.
"This must be matched with concrete measures by the international community to end violations of the UN arms embargo and prevent supplies of weapons to armed groups in eastern DR Congo."
In July of this year, Amnesty International documented M23 using Rwandan recruits and weapons supplied by
The UN Group of Experts on the DRC also accused
Although
Both
The M23 armed group
M23 is named after a failed peace agreement signed on 23 March 2009 and composed of soldiers who defected from the FARDC in April 2012. Most were previously members of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), another Rwanda-backed armed group that integrated into the Congolese armed forces in 2009.
M23 is led by Bosco Ntaganda, a former General in the Congolese army who is under an International Criminal Court arrest warrant, and Colonel Sultani Makenga, recently placed on the UN sanctions list for recruitment of child soldiers.
Recent months have been marked by an increase in ethnic-related violence in eastern DRC. Other armed groups including the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR), the Nyatura and Raia Mutomboki have targeted civilians on the basis of their perceived ethnicity.
Sarah Jackson
Amnesty International
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, October 30, 2012
A brutal and uncompromising verdict
Kagame has jailed opposition leader Victoire Ingabire after she was convicted of treason and received an eight-year sentence.
Kagame's court found her guilty of denying the 1994 genocide and of conspiring to commit terrorism.
KIGALI, Rwanda (AP) — A Rwandan court sentenced the country’s top opposition political leader to eight years in prison on Tuesday for treason and on a charge unique to this central African nation torn apart by vicious ethnic attacks 18 years ago — genocide ideology.
wandan opposition leader Victoire Ingabire jailed.
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| Ingabire victoire The would-Be President of Rwanda Now sentenced to 8 years imprisonment |
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| All hope is dead for those Hutu children There is nothing: no hope, no dream, no future, no life. |
The court also found her guilty of "belittling" Rwanda's 1994 genocide.
Ingabire was not in court to hear the verdict as she has been boycotting the trial, saying it is politically motivated.
The Unified Democratic Forces leader was arrested in April 2010 and was barred from standing in elections later that year.
The BBC's Prudent Nsengiyumva in the capital, Kigali, says her lawyer, the deputy UDF leader and a number of her supporters were in court.
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| For that Hutu mother : There is nothing: no hope, no dream, no future, no life. |
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| For those Hutu children : There is nothing: no hope, no dream, no future, no life. |
She had also faced terrorism charges, but these were dropped during the two-year trial.
The UDF has 30 days to appeal against the verdict.
Ingabire, a Hutu, returned from exile in the Netherlands in January 2010 - and has been in jail since her arrest.
She has questioned why Rwanda's official memorial to the 1994 genocide does not include any Hutus.
Does the World Community remain supporting the bloody Rwandan dictator?
Monday, October 29, 2012
The Freedom of Speech in Rwanda
The Democracy in Rwanda
Justice and Impunity in Rwanda
Human and Civil Rights
Discrimination of the majority Hutu ethnic group
remain serious issues that need urgent attention
of the International Community
Kigali 29 October 2012
This time after several postponements, hesitations and international mood-sensing, Paul Kagame's regime has finally decided to sentence the opposition leader, the 2012 Sakharov prize nominee, Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. It's tomorrow 30 October at 10:00 High court time. Sources confirm that a special cell in MPANGA central prison has been already prepared for her before this symbolical ruling by the High court.
From different corners of the country, some RPF followers have been prepared for national radio and TV live and studio call-in congratulating messages to the regime for the sentence of the FDU-Inkingi chairperson, presented as the worst national enemy. This moment is historical for the struggle for democracy, justice and freedoms in Rwanda. It's a turning point, a paradigm shift in the recent history of Rwanda. A day we will all remember.
The Rwandan government is still under strong criticism from its allies and foes following a damning report by the UN Security Council's Group of Experts accusing it of arming and providing personnel to M23 terrorist warlords in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The Rwandan political leadership should be in the dock and not Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza who is calling for peaceful democratic change and genuine reconciliation underpinned by the rule of law and fair justice.
At this particular mark of our history, FDU-Inkingi is calling upon all Rwandans, party members and friends to stay calm and to watch the horizon for the wind of change. All of us in this generation will remember and bear witness of this political kangaroo process. Those who remember will not repeat history.
 |
| Hutu women slavery in coffee plantantions has reached the highest levels of RPF inhumanity |
The international community's voice has not being strong enough to save an innocent mother from the teeth of a politicized judicial ghost. You can still make a difference and make your voice heard and respected.
We are urging people who are concerned about these political proceedings to remain on our side, as we are going to bring about genuine change in this country. Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza is our living hero, we are proud of her courage, determination and extraordinary leadership.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, October 26, 2012
RDC:le Dr Mukwege échappe a la mort
Chaque nation, à n’importe quelle période, compte des héros nationaux, régionaux, locaux et d’autres largement méconnus.
Dans cette dernière catégorie, nous risquons de place un homme d’honneur et de valeurs, un homme qui fait son tout possible pour réaliser l’impossible. Un homme qui, loin des yeux médiatiques de Kinshasa, fait ce que le gouvernement de Kabila n’a jamais osé faire en 11 ans de pouvoir.
 |
| Dr Denis Mukwege |
Cet homme, Denis Mukwege, ose faire le travail du « gouvernement » et va-t-il plus loin jusqu’à oser dire au monde entier ce que même le soi-disant « président de la République » a peur de déclarer.
Pendant que Kabila n’a fait que des incantations absurdes sur le podium des Nations-Unies, voici un extrait de ce que cet homme de valeur nationale a osé prononcer devant les hommes (les plus) puissants de la planète concernant nos soeurs, mères et tantes de l’Est du pays.
Intégralité du discours du Dr Denis Mukwege aux Nations Unies
Excellences Messieurs les Ambassadeurs,
J’aurais voulu commencer mon discours par la formule habituelle : « j’ai l’honneur et le privilège de prendre la parole devant vous. » Hélas ! Les femmes victimes de violences sexuelles de l’Est de la RDC sont dans le déshonneur. J’ai constamment sous mes yeux les regards des vieillardes, des filles , des mères et même des bébés déshonorés.
Aujourd’hui encore, plusieurs sont soumises à l’esclavage sexuel ; d’autres sont utilisées comme arme de guerre. Leurs organes sont exposés aux sévices le plus ignoble.
Et cela dure depuis 16 ans ! 16 ans d’errance ; 16 ans de torture ; 16 ans de mutilation ; 16 ans de destruction de la femme, la seule ressource vitale congolaise ; 16 ans de déstructuration de toute une société.
Certes, vos états respectifs ont fait beaucoup en terme de prise en charge des conséquences de ces barbaries. Nous en sommes très reconnaissant.
J’aurais voulu dire « j’ai l’honneur de faire partie de la communauté internationale que vous représentez ici » Mais je ne le puis.
Comment le dire à vous, représentant de la communauté internationale quand, la communauté internationale a fait preuve de peur et de manque de courage pendant ces 16 ans en RDC.
J’aurais voulu dire « j’ai l’honneur de représenter mon pays. », mais je ne peux pas non plus.
En effet, comment être fier d’appartenir à une nation sans défense ; livrée à elle-même ; pillée de toute part et impuissante devant 500.000 de ses filles violées pendant 16 ans ; 6000000 de morts de ses fils et filles pendant 16 ans sans qu’il y aucune perspective de solution durable.
Non, je n’ai ni l’honneur ; ni le privilège d’être là ce jour. Mon coeur est lourd.
Mon honneur, c’est d’accompagner ces femmes Victimes de Violence courageuses ; ces femmes qui résistent, ces femmes qui malgré tout restent débout.
Aujourd’hui grâce au rapport des experts des nations Unies , au Mapping report du haut commissaire aux droits humain des nations unies et beaucoup d’ autres rapports crédibles , plus personne ne peut se cacher derrière l’argument de la complexité de la crise .Nous savons donc désormais les motivations de cette crise et ces différents acteurs. Ce qui fait défaut c’est la volonté politique.
Mais jusques à quand ? Jusques à quand devons nous encore assister impuissants à d’autres massacres ?
Excellences,Messieurs les Ambassadeurs ; c’est avec une grande humilité que je vous dis qu’on a pas besoin de plus de preuve, on a besoin d’une action, une action urgente pour arrêter les responsables de ces crimes contre l’humanité et les traduire devant la justice.
La justice n’est pas négociable on a besoin de votre condamnation unanime des groupes rebelles qui sont responsables de ces actes, on a besoin des actions concrètes à l’encontre des états membres des nations unies qui soutiennent de près ou de loin ces barbaries. Nous sommes devant une urgence humanitaire qui ne donne plus place à la tergiversation. Tous les ingrédients sont réunis pour mettre fin à une guerre injuste qui a utilisé la violence et le viol de femmes comme une stratégie de guerre. Les femmes congolaises ont droit a une protection à l’instar de toutes les femmes de cette planète.
Vouloir mettre tous ces rapports crédibles dans le tiroir de l’oubliette sera porté une atteinte grave à la crédibilité de différentes résolutions des nations unies exigeant la protection des femmes en période des conflits et donc décrédibiliser toute notre chère institution qui pourtant est censée garantir la non répétition du génocide.
Les acquis de la civilisation reculent ; ils reculent par les nouvelles barbaries comme en Syrie et en RDC ; mais aussi par le silence assourdissant et le manque de courage de la communauté internationale.
Nous ne saurions pas taire la vérité car elle têtue, nous devrions plutôt l’affronter pour éviter de trahir nos idéaux .
J’ai l’honneur de dire que le courage des femmes victimes de violences sexuelles de l’Est de la RDC finira par vaincre le mal.
Aidez-le à retrouver la paix !
Je vous remercie.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, October 20, 2012
Security Council
SC/10798
‘Targeted Sanctions’ against Group’s Leadership for Violating Arms Embargo.
Strongly condemning the armed group known as the 23 March Movement, or M23, for its assaults on civilians in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Security Council this afternoon demanded the end of outside support for the Movement and expressed an intention to apply targeted sanctions against it, while requesting proposals for better protecting civilians and stemming arms to the area.Through a statement read out by Gert Rosenthal of Guatemala, which holds the Council’s rotating presidency for the month of October, the Council called for bringing to justice those responsible for attacks on civilians, peacekeepers and humanitarian workers, and abuses of human rights, including summary executions, sexual and gender-based violence and large-scale recruitment of child soldiers.
Condemning attempts by M23 to establish a parallel administration and undermine State authority in the area under its control, the Council demanded that the Movement and other armed groups, including the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), immediately cease all forms of violence and other destabilizing activities.
The Council expressed deep concern at reports indicating that support for M23 continued to be provided by neighbouring countries and demanded that any and all support to armed groups cease immediately, calling upon neighbouring States to cooperate with Congolese authorities in demobilizing armed groups and dismantling the M23 administration.
Also expressing its intention to apply sanctions against those acting in violation of the existing arms embargo and other measures, in addition to applying them on the leadership of M23, the Council called on all Member States to submit, as a matter of urgency, listing proposals to the 1533 Committee on sanctions related to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It reiterated its demand for full access to the eastern part of the country for that Committee’s Group of Experts.
The Council welcomed efforts to restore security in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo made by the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union, taking note of the ongoing efforts of ICGLR and the Union to clarify proposals on a “Neutral International Force” in the east, and its relation to the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO).
It requested the Secretary-General to present a special report on options to reinforce MONUSCO’s ability to better protect civilians and stop arms flows, focusing on “force multipliers” that would allow it to better cover its area of responsibility.
The Council also stressed the urgency of constructive dialogue between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbours, especially Rwanda, and called on the United Nations Secretary-General to continue his good offices and to explore, when appropriate, further high-level diplomatic mechanisms to facilitate such dialogue.
Expressing deep concern over the humanitarian situation, the Council stated, in the text, that 320,000 people had been displaced from their homes in North Kivu Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo since the M23 mutiny started in April 2012. It called on all parties to allow unhindered humanitarian access to the areas under their control.
The meeting began at 4:13 p.m. and ended at 4:29 p.m.
Presidential Statement :
The full text of the presidential statement contained in document S/PRST/2012/22 reads as follows:
“The Security Council expresses its deep concern regarding the deteriorating security and humanitarian crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo due to ongoing military and other destabilizing activities of the 23 March Movement (M23) as well as other armed groups.
“The Security Council strongly condemns the M23 and all its attacks on the civilian population, United Nations peacekeepers and humanitarian actors, as well as its abuses of human rights, including summary executions, sexual and gender based violence and large scale recruitment and use of child soldiers. The Security Council also condemns the attempts by the M23 to establish a parallel administration and to undermine State authority. The Security Council demands that the M23 and other armed groups, including the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), cease immediately all forms of violence and other destabilizing activities.
“The Security Council calls for perpetrators, including individuals responsible for violence against children and acts of sexual violence, to be apprehended, brought to justice and held accountable for violations of applicable international law. The Security Council expresses its intention to apply targeted sanctions against the leadership of the M23 and those acting in violation of the sanctions regime and the arms embargo and calls on all Member States to submit, as a matter of urgency, listing proposals to the 1533 Committee.
“The Security Council expresses its deep concern with the increasing number of displaced persons and refugees, with 320,000 people displaced from their homes in North Kivu province since the M23 mutiny started in April 2012. It calls on all parties, in particular the M23, to allow safe, timely and unhindered humanitarian access to the areas under the control of M23 and in the wider region in accordance with international law, including applicable international humanitarian law and the guiding principles of humanitarian assistance. It expresses concern about the shortfall in funding for humanitarian assistance and reiterates its call on the international community to provide appropriate humanitarian support. It also expresses concern at the possible negative impact of the prevailing situation in North Kivu on the security and humanitarian situation in South Kivu.
“The Security Council reaffirms its strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and emphasizes the need to respect fully the principles of non-interference, good neighbourliness and regional cooperation. It reiterates its strong condemnation of any and all external support to the M23. In this regard, the Security Council expresses deep concern at reports indicating that such support continues to be provided to the M23 by neighbouring countries. The Security Council demands that any and all outside support to the M23 as well as other armed groups cease immediately.
“The Security Council calls upon all countries in the region to condemn the M23 as well as other armed groups and to cooperate actively with the Congolese authorities in disarming and demobilizing the M23 as well as other armed groups and dismantling the M23 parallel administration.
“The Security Council emphasizes the primary responsibility of the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to reinforce State authority and governance in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, including through effective security sector reform to allow army and police reform, and to end impunity for abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law, and urges the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to address issues of illegal exploitation and smuggling of natural resources.
“The Security Council welcomes the efforts of the United Nations Secretary General as well as of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union, to restore peace and security in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. It also stresses the urgency of constructive engagement and dialogue between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbours, especially Rwanda, and the need to address the underlying causes of the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. It calls on the United Nations Secretary General to continue his good offices and to explore, when appropriate, further high-level diplomatic mechanisms to facilitate enhanced dialogue between relevant parties, including on the underlying causes of the conflict.
“The Security Council welcomes the establishment of the Expanded Joint Verification Mechanism (EJVM), which was launched by the ICGLR on 14 September as an important starting point for rebuilding confidence between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda. It further welcomes the support provided by the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) to the EJVM and encourages, in coordination with ICGLR members, the participation of MONUSCO, as appropriate and within the limits of its capacities and mandate, in the activities of the EJVM and the reporting on any flow of arms and related materiel across borders of eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.
“The Security Council takes note of the decisions by the ICGLR and the African Union regarding the deployment of a “Neutral International Force” in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo and takes note of the ongoing coordination efforts between these organizations and the United Nations to clarify the objectives, modalities and means of the proposed Force in relation to MONUSCO.
“The Security Council expresses its full support to the United Nations Group of Experts of the 1533 Committee and calls for enhanced cooperation between all States, particularly those in the region, and the Group of Experts, encourages further that all parties and all States ensure cooperation with the Group of Experts by individuals and entities within their jurisdiction or under their control and reiterates its demand that all parties and all States ensure the safety of its members, and unhindered and immediate access, in particular to persons, documents and sites the Group of Experts deems relevant to the execution of its mandate.
“The Security Council expresses its full support to MONUSCO and commends the active measures it has taken to implement its mandate in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, especially protecting civilians, and encourages the continuation of these efforts. The Security Council requests the Secretary-General to present to the Security Council a special report on possible options, and their implications, for reinforcing the ability of MONUSCO to implement its mandate, including to protect civilians and report on flows of arms and related materiel across borders of eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, focusing in particular on force multipliers. It calls on all parties to cooperate fully with the Mission and reiterates its condemnation of any attacks on its peacekeepers. The Security Council recalls that the Congolese Government bears the primary responsibility for ensuring security in its territory and protecting its civilians. The Security Council recalls the importance of close consultations with troop- and police- contributing countries.”
* *** *
AS International is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
AS International centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
AS International’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Source: Associated Press
- Soutien au M23: les experts de l’ONU pointent de nouveau le Rwanda et l’Ouganda
- Congo M23 rebels attack army in North Kivu province
UNITED NATIONS – The U.N. Security Council announced Friday that it intends to impose sanctions on the leaders of the M23 rebel movement in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where violence has flared again.
Guatemala U.N. Ambassador Gert Rosenthal, the current Security Council president, read a statement saying that targeted sanctions would be applied to M23 leaders and others who are breaking the arms embargo in Congo.
"The Security Council strongly condemns the M23 and all its attacks on the civilian population, United Nations peacekeepers and humanitarian actors, as well as its abuses of human rights, including summary executions, sexual and gender based violence and large scale recruitment and use of child soldiers," the statement said. "The Security Council also condemns the attempts by the M23 to establish a parallel administration and to undermine State authority."
The M23 rebels have a stronghold on the border with Uganda and Rwanda, which has fueled allegations that those East African nations are backing the rebellion as arms are easily smuggled into rebel territory.
On Tuesday, a leaked U.N. Group of Experts report accused both Uganda and Rwanda of supporting the rebellion, which both countries strongly deny.
The rebels attacked the Congolese army Wednesday in an effort to gain weapons, ending a lull in fighting that had lasted a couple of months.
Congolese Army spokesman Col. Hamuli suggested that Wednesday's attack by the rebels may have been meant to show that they are not backed by Rwanda and Uganda.
The Security Council alluded to the allegations Friday, condemning any external support of the rebellion and calling on all neighboring countries to respect Congo's sovereignty.
"In this regard, the Security Council expresses deep concern at reports indicating that such support continues to be provided to the M23 by neighboring countries," the council statement said. "The Security Council demands that any and all outside support to the M23 as well as other armed groups cease immediately."
The panel of experts' report was leaked ahead of Rwanda's election to the Security Council on Thursday. Rwanda faced no competition in its successful bid, which was opposed by Congo and drew criticism from human rights groups.
Rwanda's Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo rejected the claims in the leaked U.N. report Thursday, dismissing it as the "flawed" work of biased experts and calling the leak's timing "predictable."
Rwanda won a two-year non-permanent seat on the council, starting in 2013, despite a July report by the U.N. experts panel that accused senior Rwandan security officials of supporting the rebellion and sending arms into Congo. Rwanda also rejected that report.
Rwandan and Congolese officials did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
The M23's rebellion has caused at least 320,00,000 villagers in the province of North Kivu to flee their homes this year, according to the U.N. Eastern Congo has been engulfed in fighting since the 1994 Rwanda genocide, when fighters escaped across the border to Congo.
Eastern Congo's latest wave of violence exploded earlier this year when former rebels linked to Gen. Bosco Ntaganda defected, claiming that they weren't being paid by the Congolese military and that the government had failed to hold up their end of the 2009 peace deal that integrated them into the army. Ntaganda is wanted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court. END/
AS International is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
AS International centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
AS International’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, October 16, 2012
Date : 15 October 2012.
RWANDA : THE ICC CONFIRMS DRC INVESTIGATIONS IN A FRESH LETTER TO COUNSEL OF FDU-INKINGI AND RNC .
|M.P. Dillon, Head of the Information & Evidence Unit in the Office of the ICC Prosecutor says in a letter with Reference OTP-CR-239/12 dated The Hague, Thursday, 11 October 2012 sent to counsel Barrister Christopher C. Black in relation to the complaint against President Kagame and his accomplices submitted on 17 August 2012 in the Hague (ICC) on behalf of FDU-INKINGI, RNC, Réseau International Femmes pour la Démocratie et la Paix (RIFDP) and other civil and political groups :
«On behalf of the Prosecutor, I thank you for your communication received on 17/08/2012, as well as any subsequent related information, concerning the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). As you probably know, the Office is now investigating the situation in the DRC. In June 2003, in response to various communications, the Prosecutor identified the situation as a priority for his Office. In April 2004, the DRC formally referred the situation of the DRC to the Prosecutor. In June 2004, the Prosecutor announced his decision to open an investigation into the situation in the DRC. In making his announcement, the Prosecutor underscored his intention to focus on the perpetrators most responsible for crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court now being committed in the DRC. (...)»
Though we welcome this prompt reaction and confirmation that the ICC is "investigating" matters on the DRC, we are still encouraging for an immediate public action on our specific complaint against president Paul Kagame and his accomplices regarding the crimes of the M23 militia in the DRC and the criminal involvement of Rwandan government.
Now there should be no other obstacles stopping international law enforcers to bring to book the perpetrators most responsible for crimes committed by M23 militia and Rwandan military senior officers involved. The UN Group of Experts on the DRC’s report concerning Rwandan government violations of the arms embargo and sanctions regime has submitted on 13 October 2012 its final annual report to the UN Sanctions Committee confirming that Rwanda is still supporting, training and arming the notorious militia despite the international community outcry. Cutting the Rwandan aid by donors is not enough any more, sanctions including travel bans, and regime change are timely.
END/
AS International is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
AS International centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
AS International’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, October 11, 2012
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron fist, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>AS International]
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>AS International]
 |
| Justine Greening Current International Development Secretary |
UK Government is to review the controversial decision by the former International Development Secretary Andrew Mitchell to reinstate aid to Rwanda, his successor, Justine Greening, has told The Independent.
Mr Mitchell was criticised for lifting a freeze on £16m of British aid to President Paul Kagame’s regime on his final day as International Development Secretary last month. It is understood Mr Mitchell overruled his own officials, despite his close relationship with Rwanda’s hardline leader.
Mr Mitchell was criticised for lifting a freeze on £16m of British aid to President Paul Kagame’s regime on his final day as International Development Secretary last month. It is understood Mr Mitchell overruled his own officials, despite his close relationship with Rwanda’s hardline leader.
 |
| Andrew Mitchel Former International Development Secretary |
But Ms Greening could now overrule her predecessor. “I am taking a critical look at the decision,” she said.
Concerns have been raised about Mr Mitchell’s friendship with Mr Kagame, who played a role in helping to ‘detoxify’ the Tory party’s uncaring image.
He helped Mr Mitchell establish a project for Tory volunteers in Rwanda and the senior Tory is thought to have visited the country at least eight times in six years.
 |
| Miss Greening is said to see a ‘distinction’ between humanitarian and development aid and general budget support that goes straight into President Paul Kagame’s (pictured) regime’s coffers |
Miss Greening also pledged a ‘new approach’ on the wider aid programme, including starting talks with the Indian government on winding down its £280million a year in aid.
Speaking at the Conservative Party conference in Birmingham yesterday, she pledged to take a tougher approach to aid spending, with a greater focus on helping the world’s poorest.
She said she would travel to Luxembourg next week to demand changes in the European Union’s aid programme, which has come under fire for pouring taxpayers’ money into relatively wealthy countries including Brazil, Iceland and Turkey.
‘I’m going to take a new approach to ensure that every pound we spend has the biggest possible impact,’ she said.
‘And yes, that will mean stopping some programmes where I don’t think they are working.’
Miss Greening was challenged by Tory delegates to do more to end the waste and corruption in the aid budget. One warned that Mr Cameron’s decision to pour billions more into foreign aid at a time of cutbacks at home remains a ‘very thorny issue on the doorstep’.
Another, Emma Warren, from Reading, urged Miss Greening to do more to ‘make sure our money doesn’t end up in the pockets of corrupt individuals who are holding their country back’.
Miss Greening insisted there would be no retreat on the Prime Minister’s pledge to spend 0.7 per cent of Britain’s income on aid, which will see the aid budget rocket from £8billion to £12billion.
But she said that aid would be focused more tightly on the poorest countries in future, with India set to lose out. ‘We should recognise that as countries get richer we need to be responsible about how we transition in our relationship from aid to trade,’ she said.
The aid programme to India is the source of huge discontent in Tory ranks, with many arguing it is wrong to hand huge sums to a country that is now wealthy enough to pursue a space programme.
Source : http://in2eastafrica.net/
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, October 8, 2012
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron fist, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>AS International]
Rwanda : Dans le plus grand secret. Détention illégale et torture aux mains du Service de renseignement militaire
“Nine months at Kami, It is shameful for a state of law.”
Civilian detained at Camp Kami without charge for nine months and alleged to have been tortured. March 2012, Kigali, Rwanda.
“[Eight] months went by without knowing if my husband existed or not.” Wife of man unlawfully detained and alleged to have been tortured by the military at Camp Kami. March 2012, Kigali, Rwanda.
SUMMARY
Progress over the last decade by the government of Rwanda in improving conditions of detention in prisons falling under the authority of the Rwanda Correctional Service (RCS) is being undermined by the parallel detention system run by the military. Scores of people are held in detention in military camps and the safeguards which protect detainees in police stations and other official places of detention are circumvented. Hidden from view, detainees have been unlawfully detained as well as reportedly tortured and otherwise ill-treated.
 |
| Akandoya: Kagame's Trade Mark |
This report details unlawful detention, torture and other forms of ill-treatment and enforced disappearances, mostly of civilians, at the hands of Rwanda’s military intelligence, known as J2. It is based on information gathered during more than two years of research, including seven visits to Rwanda. The report documents more than 45 cases of unlawful detention and 18 allegations of torture or other ill-treatment by Rwandan military intelligence in 2010 and 2011. Some individuals who were disappeared remain in secret detention in 2012.
Amnesty International believes that the actual number of people who were detained and who were at risk of, or subjected to, torture and other ill-treatment during this period is higher than those documented here.
Amnesty International began to receive reports of enforced disappearances, torture and other ill-treatment by Rwandan military intelligence in March 2010.
This spate of human rights violations happened as military intelligence launched investigations into threats to national security in the run-up to the August 2010 presidential elections. Grenade attacks, rare in recent years, multiplied after February 2010. Some security analysts attributed them to the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed opposition group based in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).1 Growing tensions within the Rwandan Defence Force (RDF) following the departure of the former army chief, General Kayumba Nyamwasa, in February 2010 also allegedly raised the spectre of potential security threats from within the army.
As part of the Rwandan authorities’ investigations into security matters, individuals were arrested, often arbitrarily, by the military, sometimes acting in collaboration with the police.
Those arrested were almost exclusively men aged between 20 and 45. Most of the cases documented here are of civilians, including demobilized military. Other cases include members of the Rwandan army or individuals suspected by the Rwandan authorities of belonging to the FDLR.
After their
arrest, the men were detained incommunicado and interrogated by military
intelligence. For their families, unable to confirm their whereabouts or if
they were still alive, their loved ones had effectively disappeared. The
authorities denied holding those arrested or did not respond to requests for
information from family members or lawyers. During their detention by the
military, often spanning several months, they were denied access to lawyers,
family members and medical assistance. Some were reportedly subjected to
torture or other ill-treatment.
Not knowing
the whereabouts of their relatives had a tremendous psychological impact on the
families of the disappeared. As those missing were almost exclusively men, and
round-ups often included people from the same community, male family members
were forced to live with the constant fear that they might be arrested next.
Women – wives, mothers and sisters – bore the brunt of trying to locate their
relatives.
At the time
of writing in July 2012, Amnesty International believes that the number of new
cases of unlawful detention of civilians by the military has fallen over the
last year. However, the absence of investigations or prosecutions for the human
rights violations documented here increases the likelihood that Rwandan
military intelligence will revert to these practices each time that they
perceive national security to be under threat.
Amnesty
International urges the Rwandan government to immediately end the unlawful
detention of civilians, disclose the fate or whereabouts of all those subjected
to enforced disappearance, investigate allegations of torture and other
ill-treatment, suspend those security officers alleged to be responsible for
these human rights violations pending the outcome of investigations, and hold
them accountable through criminal prosecutions.
METHODOLOGY
This report
is based on seven research visits to Rwanda in September 2010, February, July
and November 2011, and February, March and June 2012, as well as a trial
observation between September 2011 and June 2012. Amnesty International also
interviewed individuals previously illegally detained in Rwanda and their
family members outside Rwanda at various times between 2011 and 2012. The
report does not take into account developments after the end of June 2012.
METHODOLOGYThis report is based on seven research visits to Rwanda in September 2010, February, July and November 2011, and February, March and June 2012, as well as a trial observation between September 2011 and June 2012. Amnesty International also interviewed individuals previously illegally detained in Rwanda and their family members outside Rwanda at various times between 2011 and 2012. The report does not take into account developments after the end of June 2012.
Amnesty International conducted more than 70 face-to-face interviews for this report, including eight interviews with torture victims previously detained by the military. The organization also interviewed family members of individuals disappeared, unlawfully detained or tortured, as well as lawyers, members of civil society, and individuals who had observed court proceedings. Interviews were conducted in English or French, or from Kinyarwanda with the assistance of interpreters.
Through these interviews, Amnesty International documented more than 45 cases of unlawful detention for periods ranging from 10 days to nine months, primarily of civilians in military camps and other secret detention locations during 2010 and 2011. Two cases of enforced disappearances of more than two years were also documented. Amnesty International was able to cross-check the identities of these former detainees through various sources, including other detainees, lawyers, court documents and news reports. Amnesty International received single source information on tens of other former detainees but because of the lack of corroboration has not included them in this report.
This report documents 18 allegations of torture or other ill-treatment by Rwandan military intelligence and other security personnel. Restrictions on prison access made it impossible to ascertain the extent of torture and other ill-treatment of individuals previously detained by the military and later transferred to civilian prisons. For these reasons, Amnesty International believes that the number of people detained by the military at risk of torture, or who may have been subjected to torture or other ill-treatment, is higher than the number of cases documented.
Amnesty International gathered documentation related to criminal cases in military and civilian courts, including statements of arrest and court decisions and orders. The report also draws on Amnesty International’s observation of the trial from September 2011 to June 2012 of those accused along with opposition leader Victoire Ingabire. They had been unlawfully detained at Camp Kami.
Amnesty International was unable to interview individuals currently detained in Rwanda. Since July 2011, Amnesty International has twice formally requested authorization to interview detainees and prisoners in private. Most recently, the organization requested permission to visit prisons in advance of arriving in the country. They requested private interviews with detainees in Kigali Central Prison, Ruhengeri Prison and Rubavu (commonly known as Gisenyi) Prison in March 2012. The organization’s representatives were informed one working day before leaving Rwanda by the Ministry of Internal Security that they had the
right to request authorization. However, they were told that under Rwandan law they could only interview detainees and prisoners in the presence of a prison guard. Amnesty International subsequently received a letter from the RCS authorizing the delegates to visit prisons on 4 April 2012, six days after leaving Rwanda.
The initial impetus for the report was a number of specific requests from family members for Amnesty International’s help in finding their disappeared relatives. In researching these cases, details emerged of other men who had been subjected to enforced disappearance or who had been previously detained by the military. This report sheds light on the circumstances and conditions of their detention which remain shrouded in secrecy.
Many other individuals who had been detained by the military declined to speak to Amnesty International delegates for fear of retribution. Former detainees and their family members who shared their stories expressed fear of reprisals. To protect their identities, Amnesty International has excluded their names, other identifying details, and some interview dates and locations.
Amnesty International does not take a position on the guilt or innocence of those arrested. Our concern is that they were subjected to a pattern of human rights violations: arrests in violation of the law, detention in secret locations, unlawful detention, often for several months, and a lack of access to lawyers, family members or doctors. This string of abuses violates the rights of the detained persons and renders them more vulnerable to torture and ill-treatment.
vulnerable to
torture and ill-treatment. A letter summarizing the findings of this report was sent to the Rwandan
Minister of Defence on 29 March 2012, with copies to the Director of Military
Intelligence and the Minister of Justice, and a separate letter to the Minister
of Justice. The letters requested an official response in order to reflect the
Rwandan government’s perspective in this report, as well as a submission to the
UN Committee against Torture. The organization did not receive a reply.
Amnesty International visited Rwanda in June 2012 to seek an official response to these findings. The organization met with the RDF Spokesperson, the Rwandan Minister of Justice, a team from the National Public Prosecution Authority led by the Prosecutor General, an official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a team from the RCS led by the Commissioner General.
Amnesty International expresses its profound gratitude to the individuals who shared their stories, sometimes at personal risk. We also thank the lawyers who generously shared their legal expertise and their experiences of representing clients previously detained by the military.
POLITICAL
AND SECURITY CONTEXT
The ruling party in Rwanda is the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), in power since 1994. The military has long played an important role in the country’s history2 and the RDF (army) currently retains an influential position within politics and society. While the army is best known for its involvement in the DRC conflicts or its contribution to peacekeeping such as in Darfur (Sudan), the RDF began to play a more visible role at home from 2010 onwards when it became more overt in detaining and arresting suspects.3
Events during the lead-up to the August 2010 presidential elections also brought the fragility of Rwanda’s security to the fore. Grenade attacks, rare in recent years, multiplied. Prominent military officers, as well as soldiers, were arrested or went into exile. Killings and arrests of opposition politicians and journalists and the closure of newspapers reinforced a climate of fear.
Kigali was hit by three simultaneous grenade attacks on 19 February 2010, killing two people and wounding several.4 At first, the Rwandan government attributed this to the FDLR,5 but after General Kayumba Nyamwasa, a popular figure within the Rwandan army, fled a week later, the authorities shifted the blame to him.6 According to Rwandan government statistics, 18 grenade attacks were carried out between December 2009 and March 2011, killing 14 people and injuring 219.7 Grenade attacks continued after that
sporadically.
Growing divisions emerged within the RPF party, as well as in the army. The primary catalyst for this was the departure of General Kayumba Nyamwasa on 26 February 2010. His flight prompted the army to arrest and detain officers and soldiers suspected of being loyal to him. Exiled in South Africa, Kayumba Nyamwasa survived an assassination attempt on 19 June 2010.
Tensions also grew in 2009 and 2010 between the Rwandan government and supporters of Laurent Nkunda, the former leader of the Congolese armed group, the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP). Arrested in January 2009, he officially remains under house arrest in Rwanda without charge or trial.
At the same time as security worsened, a crackdown on the political opposition and media in advance of the elections was under way. Opposition politicians and journalists were arrested,
accused
of threatening state security for criticizing government policies. An
opposition leader was beheaded in a gruesome attack in mid-July 2010, for which
no-one was brought to justice. Journalists who covered these events touching on
sensitive issues of state security had their papers closed. They too fled and
one of their newspaper editors was murdered.
2.
APPLICABLE RWANDAN AND INTERNATIONAL LAW NATIONAL LAW
Rwanda’s new Penal Code criminalizes torture as a standalone offence for the first time under Rwandan law. It came into force after its publication in the Official Gazette on 14 June 2012. Penalties for torture which range from six months to seven years, unless the torture results in the death of the victim, are too lenient.This issue was raised by the Committee on Torture before the law was promulgated.
Before
June 2012, Rwanda did not specifically criminalize torture as an autonomous
offence in its national law, but it was possible to prosecute perpetrators of
torture for offences such as murder or assault. Rwanda’s constitution
guarantees the right to integrity and prohibits the use of torture without
defining what torture is. 12 Past failure to criminalize all acts of torture as
offences under national criminal law violated Article 4 of the Convention
against Torture to which Rwanda is a state party.
Torture, outside the context of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, is subject to a 10 year statute of limitations under Rwanda’s code of criminal procedure.13 This may impede justice for past cases of torture and may limit the ability of victims to seek reparations. Enforced disappearance is not yet defined as a crime under national law. Confessions or evidence coerced through torture are inadmissible in court under Rwanda’s evidence law. “Confessions or evidence obtained by torture or brainwashing” are prohibited in all courts, including specialized courts, such as military courts.
Rwanda’s
evidence law states that “a person cannot retract a judicial admission unless
it can be proved that the admission was a result of physical torture or it
was a mistake of fact.” This provision should
be amended in line with international standards, including by covering mental
torture and ensuring that the
burden is on the State to prove beyond reasonable doubt that such statements have been given of the
person’s free will.
Rwandan
criminal procedure law guarantees a person who is arrested and detained several rights, some of which are not followed
by the military and military intelligence during arrests and detentions. Judicial police
officers have 72 hours to transfer a criminal case file to the prosecution or release the individual
arrested.17 The accused should then be charged by the prosecution and brought before court
to review the legality of detention within seven days or be released. Detainees should be
informed of the reason for their arrest and are entitled to access a lawyer and to inform another
person of their arrest.
Rules
in Rwanda prohibiting detention in secret places and regulating detention of
civilians in military custody are
ill-defined. The Code of Criminal Procedure states that “persons on remand in custody shall not be subject
to a release in a place other than the custody availed for that matter and located within the
area the National Police or Military Police office is located. As for soldiers and their
accomplices, that place shall be located near the office of Military Prosecution.”20 It does not
define “accomplices” and so may leave civilians at risk of being detained in military
facilities. Furthermore, it does not regulate the type of places
where
“soldiers and their accomplices” can be detained.
Rwandan
counter-terrorism legislation goes beyond what is foreseen by the Rwandan Code
of Criminal Procedure.
Under Article 45 of the law on counter-terrorism “A police officer, a security agent or any other authorized
person may arrest without warrant in case of clear reasons for suspecting such a person
to have committed or attempts [sic] to commit acts of terrorism and shall hand him/her over
to the nearest police station in a period not exceeding forty eight (48) hours.”This
facilitates the likelihood of individuals suspected of crimes under this law being placed in
unofficial and/or secret detention for periods of up to 48 hours. It effectively denies them
access to legal counsel in the early stages of detention when they are at the greatest risk of
torture or other ill-treatment. Detention in unofficial and/or secret places violates Rwanda’s
obligations under international law. As
well as numerous shortcomings in Rwandan legislatio n, the human rights
violations documented in this
report also stem from a failure to respect existing laws.
INTERNATIONAL LAW
Rwanda
is a party to international and regional treaties that prohibit torture and
other cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment, and that otherwise protect the rights of individuals arrested or detained.
These include the Convention against Torture, the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights (ICCPR) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR).The
prohibitions on torture and other ill-treatment and on enforced disappearance are
absolute and non-derogable; they apply in all
circumstances
without any exception.The UN Security Council, General Assembly, and Human Rights Council have all
repeatedly affirmed that all measures taken to counter terrorism must comply fully with
states’ obligations under international law, including particularly international human
rights law, international refugee law, and where applicable, Rwanda is yet to
ratify the International Convention for the Protection of
all
Persons from Enforced Disappearance and the Optional Protocol to the Convention
against Torture and
other
Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment. In response to its
Universal Periodic Review before the Human Rights Council in January 2011,
Rwanda stated that it was in the process of ratifying both conventions.26
Following Rwanda’s initial review by the Committee against Torture, Rwanda’s
cabinet approved ratification of the Optional Protocol to the Convention
against Torture on 13 June 2012.27 At the time of writing, no progress had been
made towards ratification of the Convention on Enforced Disappearances.
Once
Rwanda has ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture, it
will have an obligation to establish a National Prevention Mechanism, an
independent national body to
conduct
regular visits to places of detention. They may also receive occasional visits
from the Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman and
Degrading Treatment, who can provide concrete recommendations on how to prevent
torture and ill-treatment.
WHAT WOULD RWANDA’S OBLIGATIONS BE UNDER THE INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF ALL PERSONS FROM ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCE?
Enforced disappearance is defined in Article 2 of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance which the UN General Assembly adopted in December 2006, as:
“the
arrest, detention, abduction, or any other form of deprivation of liberty by
agents of the state or by persons or groups of persons acting with the
authorization, support, or acquiescence of the state, followed by a refusal to
acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts
of the disappeared person, which place such a person outside the protection of
the law.”
The Convention came into force on 23 December 2010 after it was ratified by 20 countries. States that ratify the Convention commit themselves to conduct investigations to locate the disappeared person, to prosecute those responsible and to ensure reparations for survivors and their families. Under Article 17, which includes the prohibition of secret detention, they must implement numerous safeguards to prevent enforced disappearance, including through keeping detailed records of persons deprived of liberty. Any judicial or other competent authority or institution authorized for that purpose by the law of the state party concerned or any relevant international legal instrument to which the state concerned is a party should be able to consult these records. The records should note:
( a ) The identity of the person deprived of liberty;
 |
| The unspeakable RPF weapon for TORTURE In Rwandan prisons |
( b ) The date, time and place where the person was deprived of liberty and the identity of the authority that deprived the person of liberty;
( c ) The authority that ordered the deprivation of liberty and the grounds for the deprivation of liberty;
( d ) The authority responsible for supervising the deprivation of liberty;( e ) The place of deprivation of liberty, the date and time of admission to the place of deprivation of liberty and the authority responsible for the place of deprivation of liberty;
( f ) Elements relating to the state of health of the person deprived of liberty;
( g ) In the event of death during the deprivation of liberty, the circumstances and cause of death and the
destination of the remains;
( h ) The date and
time of release or transfer to another place of detention, the destination and
the authority responsible
for the transfer.
In
addition, according to Article 18 of the Convention, and subject to the
requirements mentioned in Article 19 and 20 of the Convention, relatives of the
person deprived of liberty and their legal counsel should have access to at least
information on:
a) The authority
that ordered the deprivation of liberty;
(b) The date, time
and place where the person was deprived of liberty and admitted to the place of
deprivation of liberty;
(c)
The authority responsible for supervising the deprivation of liberty;
(d)
The whereabouts of the person deprived of liberty, including, in the event of a
transfer to another place of deprivation of liberty, the destination and the
authority responsible for the transfer;
(e) The date, time
and place of release;
(f)
Elements relating to the state of health of the person deprived of liberty;
(g)
In the event of death during the deprivation of liberty, the circumstances and
cause of death and the destination of the remains.
State parties also
have a responsibility to submit to the Committee on Enforced Disappearances a
report on the measures taken to give effect to its obligations under the
Convention. The Committee can also receive and investigate individual
complaints, and may conduct a visit to the country when it receives reliable
information indicating that a state party is seriously violating the provisions
of the Convention.
Rwanda
is still bound by the prohibition of enforced disappearances, as a rule of
customary international law, and since any act of enforced disappearance
inherently involves violations of a range of obligations under the ICCPR and
the ACHPR.28 Rwanda should adhere to the standards set out in the 1992 UN
General Assembly's Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced
Disappearances, which reflects the consensus of the international community
against this human rights violation.
3. MANDATE AND LEGAL POWERS OF ARREST AND DETENTION BY THE MILITARY
Rwanda has several bodies responsible for ensuring national security. The RDF under the Ministry of Defence ensures external security. It is headed directly by President Kagame, who is Commander-in-Chief of the Army, seconded by the Chief-of-Defence Staff. The Rwanda National Police (RNP), led by an Inspector General of Police, maintains internal security.
Both
the police and the RDF have their own intelligence branches, as does the
President’s Office. Within the army, this is the Department of Military
Intelligence (DMI), known more commonly in Rwanda as J2.
Since
early 2010, the role of the military and the police in arresting individuals
suspected of threatening national security became increasingly blurred.
In February 2010, Rwandan authorities created a Joint Operational Centre to
facilitate information sharing between the RDF, RNP, National Intelligence and
Security Service and the RCS.29 The following month, March 2010, Amnesty
International began to receive reports of enforced disappearances, torture and
other forms of ill-treatment in military detention facilities. These joint
operations may reduce oversight and confuse reporting lines, rendering
accountability for abuses less likely. |
RPF symbol of terror |
Shortcomings in
Rwandan legislation give rise to the arrests of civilians by the army and
military intelligence, as well as the unlawful detention of civilians in
military detention facilities. Rwandan counter-terror legislation, introduced
in September 2008, provides for investigations on terrorism suspects to be
conducted by the police, army, National Security Service or any other competent
organ. It allows “security agents or any other authorized person”, as well as
the police, to conduct impromptu arrests and searches of
individuals suspected of committing or attempting to commit terrorism.
Under this law, the arresting official has 48 hours to hand over the suspect to
the nearest police station. It defines terrorism in a broad way to include
“being in the company of members of a terrorist group” as complicity in
terrorism. This legislation came into force in April 2009 when it was published
in the Official Gazette.
Amnesty
International requested information about the mandate and legal powers with
regard to arrest and detention by the Ministry of Defence and its relationship
to the DMI, the police and the Ministry of Justice, in a letter to the Minister
of Defence in March 2012. The organization did not receive a response. In a
June 2012 meeting the Military Spokesperson told Amnesty International that the
RDF is supporting the police in the maintenance of law and order, including
through joint patrols, but denied that the military detain civilians.
4.
SECRET AND INCOMMUNICADO DETENTION
DETENTION
JOURNEYS TRAVERSING J2’S PARALLEL SYSTEM OF DETENTION
The Department of Military Intelligence (DMI), J2, operates a parallel system of arrest and detention. This system within a system is largely reserved for individuals suspected of threatening national security.
Detainees’ detention journeys typically involved them being held in multiple locations. This made it harder to trace their whereabouts and rendered them more vulnerable to torture and other ill-treatment. Former detainees reported that they were blindfolded when transported from one location to another, and such transfers largely took place at night.
One man described his transfer from the Ministry of Defence to an unknown location, which he later found out was Camp Kami: “They put me in a vehicle. After about an hour, they stopped the vehicle, and they took off the fabric from my eyes. They took off all my clothes and gave me a military uniform. I was handcuffed and put in a house.”32 Usually suspects were shunted between different locations at the start and end of their military detention, but held for a prolonged period in one place in the middle.
DMI agents tried to conceal the location of some detention centres to detainees. A number of detainees developed relationships with their captors, eliciting information from them about where they were detained.
MINADEF
The Ministry of Defence (MINADEF) is a modern multi-story building in Kimihurura surrounded by swathes of neatly manicured gardens. Some of the men who were unlawfully detained passed through MINADEF for interrogations before being transferred to Camp Kami.
CAMP KAMI
Camp Kami is a newly renovated military camp situated in Kinyinya Sector on the outskirts of Kigali. The surrounding area is predominantly residential and overlooks the new housing developments of Nyarutarama. The area is known for the tall radio antennae of Deutsche Welle which dominate the local landscape.
Camp Kami had a notorious reputation for the torture and ill-treatment of detainees in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s.33 Its name continues to instil fear among Rwandans. Officially, the camp now serves as an army barracks and a detention centre for Rwandan soldiers subject to disciplinary action, but Amnesty International has also documented several cases of civilians unlawfully detained there. The facility is used by the DMI for questioning individuals accused of threatening state security.
The part of Camp Kami where detainees are held is just a small section of the larger military barracks. It is comprised of different “houses” which former detainees called different “prisons” within Kami. Some detainees were kept in isolation for several days, but the vast majority were detained with a few others in small rooms. Former detainees reported to Amnesty International that approximately 60 detainees were held at Camp Kami in late 2010 and 2011. They based their estimates on conversations with their guards, as well as detainees who were responsible for preparing food for other prisoners; a task they said was
reserved
for RDF deserters.
MUKAMIRA MILITARY CAMP
Mukamira military camp lies between Gisenyi and Ruhengeri.35 Some suspects detained at Mukamira camp were brought over from the DRC, while others appear to have been arrested near Gisenyi. It houses a mix of civilians, demobilized FDLR fighters and FDLR apprehended in the DRC.
Amnesty International has reviewed judicial files of some former detainees of Mukamira military camp and interviewed their lawyers. The organization was obstructed in gathering detailed information on the camp though restrictions on visiting individuals formerly detained there and subsequently transferred to Gisenyi prison.
SAFE HOUSES
Amnesty International also received reports of a network of safe houses used to detain suspects in Kigali. Safe houses are not permitted under Rwanda’s code of criminal procedure.36 They appear to be used to detain and interrogate higher profile personalities, including Rwandans with links to the DRC or dual Rwandan-Congolese nationals. Suspects were kept in secret detention in private houses, sometimes in bathrooms and handcuffed for extended periods of time. Two detainees reported to Amnesty International or their families that they had been interrogated by high-ranking officials from the DMI in safe houses. Specific conditions were more difficult to verify than in military camps because detainees were isolated and typically did not have contact with co-detainees.
INCOMMUNICADO DETENTION
All former detainees told Amnesty International that they were held incommunicado in military custody for long periods of time – in many cases for more than two months and, in some cases, up to eight or nine months – before being presented to a prosecutor or court or being transferred to a civilian prison. During military custody, they were unable to contact a lawyer or relatives and their cases were not subject to judicial review. Such incommunicado detention, which includes no access to lawyers, doctors, and relatives
and no judicial review of the lawfulness of detention, violates Rwanda’s obligations under international law, including guarantees against arbitrary detention and torture.
TORTURE AND OTHER ILL-TREATMENT
For most detainees, interrogations by military intelligence officers focused on knowledge of threats to national security. Many were questioned about the 2010 and 2011 grenade attacks and funding of the FDLR. Others were asked questions about their personal, social and family relationships, including their relationships with other detainees.
All individuals formerly detained in military facilities and their family members interviewed by Amnesty ernational reported that they were severely beaten by military officers during interrogations. One former detainee of Camp Kami said, “The interrogation, it is beating” and described his time at Camp Kami as a “living death”.
Some family members and lawyers reported seeing marks from beatings on their relatives or clients. One family member described the first time they saw their relative after a month’s unlawful detention at Camp Kami, “His face, hands and legs were all swollen. We couldn’t easily recognize him”. 40 The individual concerned had not been charged by the prosecution or brought before a court during his time at Camp Kami.41 The vast majority, however, said that no visible signs were left due to the months that had elapsed since the beatings took place, shortly after their arrest and in the immediate months that followed.
ELECTRIC SHOCKS
Three former detainees from Camp Kami recounted to Amnesty International that they were subjected to electric shocks during interrogations. Two of these detainees described that this happened to them on one occasion each. Both of them reported that military intelligence had used these devices during interrogations at MINADEF shortly after their arrest and prior to their transfer to Camp Kami. Both interrogations took place at night. The other man had been electrocuted after his transfer to Camp Kami.
Read more on http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR47/004/2012/en/ca2e51a2-1c3f-4bb4-b7b9-e44ccbb2b8de/afr470042012en.pdf
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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